Féiniúlacht agus teanga

Sa chaibidil seo dírítear ar an bhféiniúlacht, an náisiún agus teanga. Cuirtear béim ar leith ar choincheap na féiniúlachta de bhrí gurb é coincheap an náisiúin fócas na caibidle. Trasnaíonn coincheap na teanga an dá choincheap eile chun an plé a chur i gcomhthéacs sochtheangeolaíochta. Tá an Ghaeilge ina fráma don phlé uilig. Tugtar eolas don léitheoir ar chuid de na príomhchoincheapa a bhaineann le féiniúlacht agus go háirithe le féiniúlacht náisiúnta, chomh maith le tuiscint ar ról na Gaeilge maidir le teacht chun cinn agus seasamh náisiún agus fhéiniúlacht náisiúnta na hÉireann.2019-10-01 JG: pdf replaced with publisher's permissio

Which most benefits the Irish language: cosmopolitanism or the nation-state?

Seimineár Poiblí ar Raidió na Gaeltachta: 40 bliain faoi bhláth / A Public Seminar celebrating 40 years of Raidió na Gaeltachta, Acadamh na hOllscolaíochta Gaeilge, NUI Galway, Galway, 19 May 2012Dr Iarfhlaith Watson was invited to give a lecture at a public seminar to celebrate forty years of Raidió na Gaeltachta, Indreabhán, Galway 2012. The talks and discussions at the seminar were recorded for broadcast on Raidió na Gaeltachta.This is the transcript of a paper broadcast by Raidió na Gaeltachta

The Irish Language and the Media

Changes in Irish language media reflect changes in the wider national project. Throughout the world language has been one of the defining characteristics of nations used by nationalists of various shades to justify their cultural, economic and political projects. The media have been an important tool in those projects. In Ireland, since the nineteenth century, the Irish language has been used to validate the Irish nation and justify an Irish nation-state. There are identifiable phases of the national project, in the context of which the landscape of Irish language media can be understood, from the more explicit national project in the early years of the State, through the liberalising and minority-rights phase in the second half of the century to the more individualistic phase of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. In the early years of the State there was little or no choice of radio stations. The amount of Irish on radio gradually increased as the reach of the broadcasts spread from the regions around Dublin and Cork across the country. The broadcasts in Irish were aimed at the whole population. In the middle of the century the national project faltered and was liberalised. The decrease in the amount of Irish on radio (and television) was opposed in the context of community minority rights (from which Raidió na Gaeltachta emerged). In recent years there have been interesting developments in terms of providing radio and television programmes for individuals rather than for the nation or minority community. This can be seen, not only in the emergence of new Irish-language radio and television stations, but also in developments on existing channels

TG4 Féiniúlacht agus Saoránacht

Pléitear stair an chraolacháin Ghaeilge thar na cúig bliana is seachtó ó thosaigh an stáisiún raidid 2RN, suas go dtí an lá atá innin ann agus teacht TG4. Cuirtear an argóint chun cinn go bhfuil coimhlint ann idir dhá idé—eolaíocht — bíonn daoine ag súil go mbeidh TG4 in ann freastal ar an mhionlach a labhrann Gaeilge agus teacht ar airgead ó fhógraíocht a bhíonn ag brath ar lucht féachana níos mó ná mar atá fáil i mease lucht labhartha na Gaeilge amháin. Ar an lámh eile de thig le TG4 ról tábhachtach a bheith aici mar réimse miotasach inar féidir le Gaeilgeoirí a bhféinuúlacht a dhlisteanú

Teilifís na Gaeilge as a Public Sphere

This paper employs the Irish language media to argue for a normative ideal of public access using the concept \u27public sphere\u27. Public sphere as an ideal type contains a democratic potential which allows for universal participation in the formation of public opinion. Two problems exist with the public sphere as a concept in so far as the ideal does not correspond to the reality. On the one hand, it can be argued that the market dominates the public sphere and hampers the democratic, spontaneous and autonomous formation of public opinion. On the other, it can also be argued that the individual is a consumer, resulting in a citizenry which fails to engage in rational critical discourse which is central to democracy