163 research outputs found

    Using cost-effectiveness analyses to inform policy: the case of antiretroviral therapy in Thailand.

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    BACKGROUND: Much emphasis is put on providing evidence to assist policymakers in priority setting and investment decisions. Assessing the cost-effectiveness of interventions is one technique used by policymakers in their decisions around the allocation of scarce resources. However, even where such evidence is available, other considerations may also be taken into account, and even over-ride technical evidence. Antiretroviral therapy (ART) is the most effective intervention to reduce HIV-related morbidity and prolong mortality. However, treatment provision in the developing world has been hindered by the high costs of services and drugs, casting doubts on its cost-effectiveness. This paper looks at Thailand's publicly-funded antiretroviral initiative which was first introduced in 1992, and explores the extent to which cost-effectiveness evidence influenced policy. METHODS: This article reviews the development of the national ART programme in Thailand between 1992 and 2004. It examines the roles of cost-effectiveness information in treatment policy decisions. Qualitative approaches including document analysis and interview of key informants were employed. RESULTS: Two significant policy shifts have been observed in government-organised ART provision. In 1996, service-based therapy for a few was replaced by a research network to support clinical assessments of antiretroviral medication in public hospitals. This decision was taken after a domestic study illustrated the unaffordable fiscal burden and inefficient use of resources in provision of ART. The numbers of treatment recipients was maintained at 2,000 per year throughout the 1990s. It was not until 2001 that a new government pledged to extend the numbers receiving the service, as part of its commitment to universal coverage. Several elements played a role in this decision: new groups of dominant actors, drug price reductions, a pro-active civil society movement, lessons from experience on treatment benefits, and global treatment advocacy. Unlike previous policy discourse, human rights, ethics and equity notions were explicitly raised to support therapy extension. CONCLUSION: In the early decision, moving from a relatively limited ART service to a research network was clearly influenced by cost-effectiveness data. But in the 2001 decision to include ART in the universal coverage package, cost-effectiveness arguments were over-ruled by other considerations. Thai ART policy was shaped by many factors, and was not a simple rational process which relied on evidence

    Describing the impact of health research: a Research Impact Framework.

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    BACKGROUND: Researchers are increasingly required to describe the impact of their work, e.g. in grant proposals, project reports, press releases and research assessment exercises. Specialised impact assessment studies can be difficult to replicate and may require resources and skills not available to individual researchers. Researchers are often hard-pressed to identify and describe research impacts and ad hoc accounts do not facilitate comparison across time or projects. METHODS: The Research Impact Framework was developed by identifying potential areas of health research impact from the research impact assessment literature and based on research assessment criteria, for example, as set out by the UK Research Assessment Exercise panels. A prototype of the framework was used to guide an analysis of the impact of selected research projects at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine. Additional areas of impact were identified in the process and researchers also provided feedback on which descriptive categories they thought were useful and valid vis-à-vis the nature and impact of their work. RESULTS: We identified four broad areas of impact: I. Research-related impacts; II. Policy impacts; III. Service impacts: health and intersectoral and IV. Societal impacts. Within each of these areas, further descriptive categories were identified. For example, the nature of research impact on policy can be described using the following categorisation, put forward by Weiss: Instrumental use where research findings drive policy-making; Mobilisation of support where research provides support for policy proposals; Conceptual use where research influences the concepts and language of policy deliberations and Redefining/wider influence where research leads to rethinking and changing established practices and beliefs. CONCLUSION: Researchers, while initially sceptical, found that the Research Impact Framework provided prompts and descriptive categories that helped them systematically identify a range of specific and verifiable impacts related to their work (compared to ad hoc approaches they had previously used). The framework could also help researchers think through implementation strategies and identify unintended or harmful effects. The standardised structure of the framework facilitates comparison of research impacts across projects and time, which is useful from analytical, management and assessment perspectives

    Knowledge and networks – key sources of power in global health Comment on “Knowledge, moral claims and the exercise of power in global health”

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    Shiffman rightly raises questions about who exercises power in global health, suggesting power is a complex concept, and the way it is exercised is often opaque. Power that is not based on financial strength but on knowledge or experience, is difficult to estimate, and yet it may provide the legitimacy to make moral claims on what is, or ought to be, on global health agendas. Twenty years ago power was exercised in a much less complex health environment. The World Health Organization (WHO) was able to exert its authority as world health leader. The landscape today is very different. Financial resources for global health are being competed for by diverse organisations, and power is diffused and somewhat hidden in such a climate, where each organization has to establish and make its own moral claims loudly and publicly. We observe two ways which allow actors to capture moral authority in global health. One, through power based on scientific knowledge and two, through procedures in the policy process, most commonly associated with the notion of broad consultation and participation. We discuss these drawing on one particular framework provided by Bourdieu, who analyses the source of actor power by focusing on different sorts of capital . Different approaches or theories to understanding power will go some way to answering the challenge Shiffman throws to health policy analysts. We need to explore much more fully where power lies in global health, and how it is exercised in order to understand underlying health agendas and claims to legitimacy made by global health actors toda

    The white paper on public health.

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    A Framework on the Emergence and Effectiveness of Global Health Networks

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    Since 1990 mortality and morbidity decline has been more extensive for some conditions prevalent in low- and middle-income countries than for others. One reason may be differences in the effectiveness of global health networks, which have proliferated in recent years. Some may be more capable than others in attracting attention to a condition, in generating funding, in developing interventions and in convincing national governments to adopt policies. This article introduces a supplement on the emergence and effectiveness of global health networks. The supplement examines networks concerned with six global health problems: tuberculosis (TB), pneumonia, tobacco use, alcohol harm, maternal mortality and newborn deaths. This article presents a conceptual framework delineating factors that may shape why networks crystallize more easily surrounding some issues than others, and once formed, why some are better able than others to shape policy and public health outcomes. All supplement papers draw on this framework. The framework consists of 10 factors in three categories: (1) features of the networks and actors that comprise them, including leadership, governance arrangements, network composition and framing strategies; (2) conditions in the global policy environment, including potential allies and opponents, funding availability and global expectations concerning which issues should be prioritized; (3) and characteristics of the issue, including severity, tractability and affected groups. The article also explains the design of the project, which is grounded in comparison of networks surrounding three matched issues: TB and pneumonia, tobacco use and alcohol harm, and maternal and newborn survival. Despite similar burden and issue characteristics, there has been considerably greater policy traction for the first in each pair. The supplement articles aim to explain the role of networks in shaping these differences, and collectively represent the first comparative effort to understand the emergence and effectiveness of global health networks

    National and subnational HIV/AIDS coordination: are global health initiatives closing the gap between intent and practice?

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    BACKGROUND: A coordinated response to HIV/AIDS remains one of the 'grand challenges' facing policymakers today. Global health initiatives (GHIs) have the potential both to facilitate and exacerbate coordination at the national and subnational level. Evidence of the effects of GHIs on coordination is beginning to emerge but has hitherto been limited to single-country studies and broad-brush reviews. To date, no study has provided a focused synthesis of the effects of GHIs on national and subnational health systems across multiple countries. To address this deficit, we review primary data from seven country studies on the effects of three GHIs on coordination of HIV/AIDS programmes: the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), and the World Bank's HIV/AIDS programmes including the Multi-country AIDS Programme (MAP). METHODS: In-depth interviews were conducted at national and subnational levels (179 and 218 respectively) in seven countries in Europe, Asia, Africa and South America, between 2006 and 2008. Studies explored the development and functioning of national and subnational HIV coordination structures, and the extent to which coordination efforts around HIV/AIDS are aligned with and strengthen country health systems. RESULTS: Positive effects of GHIs included the creation of opportunities for multisectoral participation, greater political commitment and increased transparency among most partners. However, the quality of participation was often limited, and some GHIs bypassed coordination mechanisms, especially at the subnational level, weakening their effectiveness. CONCLUSIONS: The paper identifies residual national and subnational obstacles to effective coordination and optimal use of funds by focal GHIs, which these GHIs, other donors and country partners need to collectively address
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