The Development of Political Legitimacy Among MPs and Citizens in Old and Young Democracies

The contribution starts out from the question whether the political legitimacy of the Third Wave democracies has suffered in the wake of the Great Recession. The expectation of a damaging effect of an economic or political crisis on legitimacy is based on Lipset’s assumption that established democracies with a high degree of political legitimacy are better capable of coping with such crises than young democracies. The database includes two surveys of members of parliament conducted in 2007 and 2013 in Sweden, Germany and five Third Wave democracies located in different world regions (Chile, South Korea, Poland, South Africa and Turkey). Waves 5 and 6 of the World Values Survey that were conducted at about the same time were used for comparing the legitimacy beliefs among MPs and citizens. The data show that the scores for all indicators of political legitimacy are higher among MPs than among citizens and that the differences between the two groups of respondents are considerably larger in the five young democracies. Confidence in political parties is fairly low, especially among citizens, while the evaluation of the quality of democracy in the respondents’ country is much higher. Both evaluations have been rather stable over time. In the two established democracies, support for democracy among citizens is nearly as high as among MPs. In the five young democracies, the MP-citizen differential is larger and support for democracy in the population shows a steady increase only in Chile, while it has remained low in Poland and Turkey and even decreased in Korea and South Africa. This indicates that democracy has not taken deep roots in four of the five new democracies included in the study. In Korea and South Africa, the decline in support for democracy started already before the onset of the economic crisis and therefore cannot be attributed to the recession. This is confirmed by the lack of a statistical relationship between political legitimacy on one side and economic evaluations on the other side. A multiple regression analysis shows strong country-specific effects, while individual-level variables have only minor effects

The global development of value orientations, political support and democracy since the 1990s

This article analyzes the global development of democracy since the 1990s. The theoretical introduction is followed by a descriptive analysis of several indices of political support based on survey results for 89 countries that participated at least twice in the World Values Survey (WVS) or the European Values Study (EVS). The analysis focuses on emancipative value orientations measured by Welzel's Choice Index and several indicators of political support. The scores of these indicators are broken down by five regime types and seven world regions. The results confirm that the global decline of democratic quality since the mid-2000s has not been as dramatic as the pessimistic analyses of Freedom House and the V-Dem project have claimed. It has primarily taken place in a limited number of populous countries on which these publications have focused. When countries are treated equally, the quality of democracy has remained remarkably stable since the early 1990s. Emancipative values are globally on the rise, but their increase has been considerably higher in the established democracies. This supports the skeptical argument that they cannot be considered as the major cause of the third wave of democratization. The descriptive analysis is complemented by regression analyses for confidence in regime institutions and support for democracy as dependent variables. The evaluation of democratic regime performance is the strongest predictor of confidence in regime institutions. An intrinsic conception of democracy and the importance assigned to living in a democracy have the strongest influence on support for democracy. Emancipative value orientations have a minor influence on political support even in consolidated democracies. Finally, the analysis does not confirm the suspected relationship between the different levels of political support. Easton's theory of political support assumed that they mutually influence each other via a generalization of experiences or an overflow of values. Instead, it seems that confidence in regime institutions and support for democracy follow different cognitive logics

Parliamentarians' Evaluations of the Global Economic Crisis

Based on two surveys of parliamentarians in five new (Chile, South Korea, Poland, South Africa, Turkey) and two established (Germany, Sweden) democracies, the paper analyzes perceptions of the global economic crisis as well as evaluations of policies to fight the crisis and their determinants. In a second step, it will be determined if these perceptions and evaluations are related to participation in government and to the ideological positions of the political parties. Finally, it will be asked if a decline in democratic legitimacy in the political orientations of MPs and citizens can be observed in the wake of the crisis

Methods of Elite Identification

This chapter discusses the three classic methods of elite identification—the positional, the decisional, and the reputational method. The three methods use different operationalizations of political power and influence. The procedures involved in applying the methods are explained and critically discussed, with reference to prominent elite studies. The three methods differ with respect to how they determine elite boundaries. The choice of method determines the size and structure of the resulting elite formation. Depending on the method chosen, empirical elite research is compatible with both the assumption of a small and exclusive power elite or a pluralistic elite structure. Therefore, the resulting elite structure does not permit determining the degree of power concentration in society in an absolute way, but only comparatively

Exploring The Body–Landscape Relationship Through Dance Film

In this paper, I reflect on the body–landscape relationship based on my experience with directing and choreographing my dance film Human Habitat in which a dancer takes us on a journey from a sustainable to a destructive relationship with the Arctic landscape. I outline the background and thoughts involved in producing a dance film in the Arctic and analyse the characteristics of the dancer’s bodily interventions with the landscape. I investigate the properties of being embedded in a processual landscape and examine the consequences of these properties for choreographing movement in a landscape. I further outline how the film evokes kinaesthetic empathy and therefore fulfils my intention of bringing the Arctic into people’s awareness. My examination has a phenomenological approach, and I draw on processual theories of landscape, material specificity and kinaesthetic empathy.I denne artikkelen vil jeg reflektere over forholdet mellom kropp og landskap basert på min erfaring med å regissere og koreografere dansefilmen min Human Habitat. En danser tar oss med på en reise fra et bærekraftig til et destruktivt forhold til det arktiske landskapet. Jeg skisserer bakgrunnen og tankene om å produsere en dansefilm i Arktis og analyserer egenskapene til kroppslige intervensjoner med landskapet. Jeg undersøker egenskapene ved å være innebygd i et prosessuelt landskap og undersøker hvilke konsekvenser disse egenskapene har for å koreografere bevegelser i landskap. Jeg skisserer også hvordan filmen fremkaller kinestetisk empati og derfor kan oppfylle intensjonene mine om å bringe Arktis til folkets bevissthet. Min undersøkelse har en fenomenologisk tilnærming, og jeg trekker på prosessuelle teorier om landskap, materialspesifisitet og kinestetisk empati.publishedVersio