401 research outputs found

    Ideological orientation of the educated youth in Tanzania : a literature review

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    Since the political and economic liberalisation in the mid-1980s and the early 1990s, Tanzania has witnessed a combination of liberal and socialist values and practices in the public sphere. It has influenced political views of Tanzanians, including the youth who do not have the lived experience of the socialist period led by the founding president, Julius Nyerere. This study examines the ideological views of Tanzanian educated youth, and their interactions with national politics to deepen our understanding of contemporary Tanzania. As the first step of the study, this paper provides a brief literature review on three themes: 1) ideology/ideologies and socialism in general and in sub-Saharan Africa; 2) the historical background of Tanzania with a focus on President Nyerere and his socialist ideology, ujamaa; and 3) the re-emergence of ujamaa as moral principles in post-socialist Tanzania. The reviewed literature suggests that Tanzanians, including the youth, have incoherent ideological views today, which may be a result of the deliberate silence on the ideological aspects of Nyerere and ujamaa by the political elite in public debates

    Electoral transfers of power and presidential candidate selection in Sub-saharan Africa

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    Drawing on Tsubura’s studies (2019a; 2019b) that analyse how presidential candidates have been selected and critical defections avoided among dominant parties in countries of sub-Saharan Africa (hereinafter referred to as Africa) that have regular presidential succession, the present paper examines presidential candidate selection among ruling parties that have failed to establish one-party dominance in Africa. Specifically, this paper explores whether electoral transfers of power in the region are attributable to the failure to maintain party coherence in the selection of new presidential candidates. The paper conducts a two-stage analysis. First, it proposes a typology of electoral transfers of power in Africa by identifying two major dimensions: 1) whether ruling parties were dominant or non-dominant when they first lost multi-party elections and 2) whether ruling parties lost incumbent or open-seat elections. This classification reveals that no dominant party has lost open-seat elections in Africa, suggesting that, once one-party dominance is established, the dominant party is likely to continue managing leadership succession successfully. The second stage of the paper analyses presidential candidate selection of 1) non-dominant parties that lost open-seat elections and 2) a dominant party that lost an incumbent election. The two sets of analysis suggest that the maintenance of party cohesion in presidential candidate selection may have been more critical for the establishment of dominant-party systems than for their endurance in Africa

    Introduction of presidential term limits in dominant-party states in Sub-saharan Africa

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    Since the arrival of the ‘third wave’ of democratisation in sub-Saharan Africa (hereinafter referred to as Africa) in the late 1980s, presidential term limits have been included in a number of constitutions in the region to institutionalise the transfer of power from one president to another. The present paper analyses how dominant-party states in Africa with regular presidential succession have introduced presidential term limits. Through this analysis, the paper explores whether the introduction of presidential term limits was aimed at establishing a party-based rule by guaranteeing a mechanism of leadership rotation within ruling parties, thereby maintaining party coherence. The examination of four dominant-party states in Africa demonstrates that the aims of the introduction of presidential term limits vary among four countries. Moreover, a party-based rule in these countries was established not merely because of the adoption of presidential term limits but by other factors over time

    Presidential candidate selection and factionalism in five dominant parties in Sub-Saharan Africa

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    In dominant party states in sub-Saharan Africa where presidential succession occurs regularly, factional competition culminates in the selection of presidential candidates, a process which is frequently more competitive than a general election. It is crucial that dominant parties manage factionalism in presidential candidate selection, maintain party coherence and win elections. Against such a background, this study examines how dominant parties in five African countries with regular presidential succession, namely, Botswana, Namibia, Mozambique, Tanzania and South Africa, have managed factionalism and avoided critical defections. The study finds that presidential candidate selection in all cases except that of South Africa since 2007 have been centralised, albeit to varying degrees, to control factionalism. The study demonstrates a wide variation in methods and practices of presidential candidate selection, including the level of selectorate inclusiveness, which can be explained partially by differences in electoral institutions. The study also finds a common measure taken in three case countries to accommodate rival factions in the interest of reconsolidating party unity after the defection of senior party members. The study aims to help our understanding of succession management as a crucial internal factor in the endurance of one-party dominance in some countries in sub-Saharan Africa

    Accountability and clientelism in dominant party politics: the case of a Constituency Development Fund in Tanzania

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    This thesis examines the shifting nature of accountability and clientelism in dominant party politics in Tanzania through the analysis of the introduction of a Constituency Development Fund (CDF) in 2009. A CDF is a distinctive mechanism that channels a specific portion of the government budget to the constituencies of Members of Parliament (MPs) to finance local small-scale development projects which are primarily selected by MPs. While existing studies argue that the control of resources is essential for dominant parties to maintain their power in politics, the adoption of a type of CDF in Tanzania poses a puzzle; why did the dominant ruling party of Tanzania accept a CDF that would give the legislature financial autonomy and might weaken the party’s power over MPs? Through a combination of qualitative and quantitative analyses, the thesis demonstrates that a CDF proposal was moved forward as part of the reform to strengthen the legislature, and the ruling party accepted it to re-establish party coherence and gain public support in preparation for the general elections in 2010, after it was plagued by the revelation of corruption scandals involving party leaders and intraparty competition. The thesis has also found that a CDF was adopted when clientelistic voters were increasingly dissatisfied with the performance of MPs and some MPs had begun providing financial assistance to voters systematically. With a formal project-selection and monitoring mechanism in place, the Tanzanian CDF has more potential to restrict the prevalence of clientelistic accountability than the provision of private or club goods by MPs based on private resources. The Tanzanian case demonstrates that CDFs can potentially mitigate the influence of clientelism in the accountability relationship between MPs and voters in developing countries

    Drug-Induced Cutaneous Toxicity

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    The skin is the largest organ in the body and is continually exposed to external stimuli, such as chemical and environmental substances. Cutaneous toxicity can be broadly classified according to the mechanism of onset, namely: contact dermatitis, i.e., damage resulting from contact with a substance (irritant dermatitis, allergic contact dermatitis, chemical burns); photosensitivity, i.e., caused by combined effects of a substance and ultraviolet light (phototoxic dermatitis, photoallergic contact dermatitis); contact urticaria; chemical-induced acne; pigmentary disturbance; drug rash; hair disturbance; nail disturbance; or tumor-induced. This review outlines the function and structure of the skin, outlining characteristics of these types of cutaneous toxicity. In recent years, advances have been made in the development of pharmaceutical products targeting specific molecules or genes and nanotechnology-based pharmaceutical products, raising concerns about the onset of toxicity by novel mechanisms involving new pharmaceutical products. Therefore, it is important to understand the basic toxicity-related changes described herein

    Political settlements research on Sub-Saharan Africa: a conceptual framework and causal mechanism

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    This paper examines the origin and development of the political settlements framework and its application to studies of African countries that have employed it. The study aims to evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of the political settlements framework with a particular focus on Khan’s (2010) causal mechanism and the ways in which it has been employed in case studies. The paper suggests that some factors that are excluded from Khan’s (2010) framework but that affect institutional outcomes (e.g., the capacity of state bureaucracies, national leaders) also be examined in the empirical analyses. It also points to the incompatibility between Khan’s (2010) framework and democratic institutions. While his framework has been applied to African studies in various ways, some that have highlighted the differences in institutional outcomes across sectors seem to have shifted away from Khan’s (2010) causal mechanism on institutional outcomes at the national level. The latest development of the Political Settlements Dataset (Shulz and Kelsall 2021) will potentially reposition Khan’s causal mechanism at the center of political settlements research and strengthen its validity

    A Case Report of Lipid-Rich Carcinoma of the Breast Including Histological Characteristics and Intrinsic Subtype Profile

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    A 57-year-old Japanese woman with schizophrenia, who had received long-term treatment with neuroleptics, noticed a painless, pea-sized lump in her right breast. She was admitted to our hospital and a malignant tumor was diagnosed. The patient underwent a conservative radical mastectomy (Patey's operation). The excised tumor measured 2.0 × 1.2 × 1.1 cm in diameter, and its cut surface was grayish-white. Histologically, tumor cells with clear to foamy cytoplasm were invariably Oil Red O-positive and periodic acid Schiff-negative with or without diastase digestion. The tumor was diagnosed as a lipid-rich carcinoma accompanied by an in situ component. Neuroleptics increase serum prolactin levels by interfering with dopaminergic inhibition of prolactin secretion. Immunohistochemical analysis revealed that, although prolactin was not detected, the tumor cells expressed prolactin receptor, indicating prolactin as the genesis of this neoplasm. In immunohistochemical intrinsic subtype analysis, the tumor was negative for estrogen receptor, progesterone receptor, human epidermal growth factor receptor 1 and 2, and basal cytokeratins (CK5, CK6, and CK14), indicating an unclassified (all-marker negative) subtype. Axillary lymph nodes were free of metastasis (stage I), and the patient has been well for 20 years without any evidence of recurrence

    A Case of Multiple Pilosebaceous Cysts

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    Multiple pilosebaceous cysts include the entities of steatocystoma multiplex and eruptive vellus hair cysts (EVHCs). Multiple pilosebaceous cysts are proposed to be one entity originating in the pilosebaceous duct, since steatocystoma multiplex and EVHCs are frequently present concomitantly and are caused by a cystic change in the same pilosebaceous duct. Here, we describe a patient with yellowish papules, 3–8 mm in diameter, on the neck and skin-colored or light-brown papules, 1–3 mm in diameter, on the neck, chest and upper abdomen. The smaller cysts were histopathologically diagnosed as EVHCs. The larger cysts had both features of EVHCs and steatocystoma multiplex. Therefore, a diagnosis of these lesions was made as multiple pilosebaceous cysts. Our case supports the proposition that multiple pilosebaceous cysts are a more appropriate diagnosis than the terms of EVHCs and steatocystoma multiplex
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