’n Ontleding van die reaksies in die media op die taalbesluite van die SAUK, 1994-1996

This article aims to interpret the responses of mother-tongue speakers of Afrikaans to the language policy changes instituted by the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) from the first democratic election in 1994 to 1996, when the Final Constitution came into effect. To this end, and in order to establish an analytical framework for the future, the interpretation of media correspondence is made in terms of Schermerhorn’s minority theory (1970). In line with Schermerhorn’s theory, the conclusion is that the dominant group wished to converge but the minority group was averse to this, and a tendency towards resistance and conflict arose

Rebuffing Royals? Afrikaners and the royal visit to South Africa in 1947’

This article traces the responses of Afrikaners to the symbolism and political purposes of the 1947 royal visit to Southern Africa, the first post-war royal tour and the first visit of a reigning sovereign to the Union of South Africa. Taking place in the aftermath of a war that had caused bitter political divisions within Afrikaner ranks and stimulated radical populist nationalism, a royal tour intended to express the crown's gratitude for South Africa's participation in that war was bound to be contentious. Drawing on press accounts, biographies, autobiographies and archival sources, this article argues that the layered reactions of Afrikaners demonstrate that, even on the eve of the National Party's electoral victory on a republican and apartheid platform, attitudes towards monarchy and the British connection were more fluid and ambiguous than either contemporary propaganda or recent accounts have allowed. The diverse meanings attributed to this iconic royal tour reveal a process of intense contestation and reflection about South Africa's place in an empire that was in the throes of post-war redefinition and transformation, and confirm recent characterisations of the 1940s as one of manifold possibilities such that outcomes, like the electoral victory of the National Party in the following year, was far from pre-determined

Ontleding van die reaksies van die Afrikaanssprekende op taalmiskenning in die Vrystaat vir die periode 1994-1998

Analysis of the reaction of Afrikaans speakers to language policy in the Free State 1994-1998. On the basis of media correspondence, this article aims to make a quantitative analysis of the response of Afrikaans speakers to the language policy changes and lack of recognition of their language in the Free State from 1994 to 1998. The gaps and merits of language legislation on provincial and municipal government level during the Transitional (Interim) and Final Constitution are discussed. The lack of a clearly formulated language plan for the implementation of Article 6 of the Final Constitution for the the Free State province, and the absence of clearly formulated legislation on provincial and local government level, have led to various incidents with regard to language. The initial optimism in the province after the changeover to the ANC government, and the subsequent problems arising from the lack ot a clear language policy, are put under the miscroscope. Two issues, in particular, have emanated from the periods under discussion; namely, the issue of the phrasing of registration plates, and the changing of the name 'Vrystaat' to 'Free State' on second government level, as well as the posting of (monolingual) English accounts on local government level. Based on a quantitative analysis of the four-year period, it appears that Die Volksblad, in particular, the only Afrikaans daily in the Free State, has taken the lead in keeping the issue of the lack of recognition of Afrikaans alive. The apparant lack of recognition of their language experienced by Afrikaans speakers will not be solved via the initiation of protest actions, threats or boycotts. It would, for example, have had greater impact had cultural organisations spoken with one voice, and had Afrikaans speakers been more proactive and less restrained in their response to the issue of language. Ultimately, however, Afrikaans speakers' loss of political power has impacted fundamentally on the official status of their language. Abstrak: Die artikel ontleed die Afrikaanssprekende se reaksie op taalbeleidsveranderinge en taalmiskenning van 1994 af tot 1998 in die Vrystaat kwantitatief op die basis van mediaberiggewing. Die leemtes en meriete in taalwetgewing op provinsiale en munisipale regeringsvlak word bespreek tydens die Oorgangs- en die Finale Grondwet. Die gebrek aan 'n duidelik geformuleerde taalplan vir die implementering van Artikel 6 van die Finale Grondwet vir die Vrystaatse provinsie en duidelik geformuleerde wetgewing op provinsiale en plaaslike regeringsvlak, het tot verskeie taalinsidente aanleiding gegee. Die aanvanklike optimisme in die provinsie na die oorskakeling na die ANC-regering en die latere problematiek voortspruitend uit die gebrek van die duidelike taalplan word onder die loep geneem. Veral twee hoofmomente het uitgekristalliseer uit die periode onder bespreking; naamlik die kwessie van die bewoording van die nommerplate en die verandering van die naam Vrystaat tot Free State op tweede regeringsvlak, asook die uitstuur van eentalige Engelse rekeninge op plaaslike regeringsvlak. Uit 'n kwantitatiewe ontleding van dié vierjaar- periode blyk dit dat veral Die Volksblad, die enigste Afrikaanse dagblad in die Vrystaat, op die voorpunt gestaan het om die kwessie van Afrikaans-miskenning brandend te hou. Die vermeende taalmiskenning wat die Afrikaanssprekende ervaar het, sou nie deur die gewone protesaksies en dreigemente tot boikotaksies opgelos word nie. Dit sou byvoorbeeld groter impak gehad het as kultuurorganisasies uit een mond gepraat het en indien die Afrikaanssprekende meer aktivisties en minder beskroomd opgetree het. Uiteindelik egter sou die Afrikaanssprekende se verlies van politieke mag 'n wesentlike invloed hê op die amptelike status van hul taal. Afkortings: Koerante: Afr = Afrikaner, Be = Beeld, Bu = Die Burger, Ci = Citizen, F&T = Finansies & Tegniek, Ra = Rapport, Vo = Die Volksblad (S/ern Af Linguistics & Applied Language Stud: 2002 20(4): 283-302

Coverage of language-related topics, and in particular, language rights and language policy issues in the South African printed media

The printed media is an important instrument in bringing about community mobilisation, and can make a contribution in the debate on language matters by influencing the political (ideological) orientation of policy-makers which at this stage can be characterised as internationalisation. Internationalisation leads to language hierachisation or linguicism. Linguicism entails that the resources of minority groups, which include language, are seen as handicaps. The empirical investigation reported on in this article established inter alia the percentage of topics reported on, the distribution of reporting per language medium of newspapers, the types of records on language complaints, and the sources of language rights incidents. In order to determine the validity of the conclusionsthe results are compared to official complaints lodged with PanSALB. It was established that the printed media is a reliable barometer of the feelings and attitudes of its readers, and a government can benefit by ensuring that citizens’ constitutional rights are upheld, and avoid conflicts by seeking to solve problems before they escalate

Gevalle van positiewe taalbeplanning soos gerapporteer in die gedrukte media

Opsommimg: Gevalle van taalmiskenning, vermeend en werklik, kom algemeen voor, en word, tereg, wyd in die pers bespreek. Die teenoorgestelde, naamlik gevalle van positiewe taalbeplanning van tale van veral minderheidsprekers, kom gelukkig ook voor. In opdrag van en met befondsing van PanSAT moniteer die Eenheid vir Taalbestuur aan die Universiteit van die Vrystaat vir die afgelope drie jaar die taalregtesituasie in Suid-Afrika soos in die gedrukte media gerapporteer. In hierdie bydrae word gevalle van positiewe taalbeplanning soos in die gedrukte media gerapporteer in die periode 1 Januarie tot 31 Desember 2003 bespreek. Dit sluit onder andere in die skep van omstandighede wat bevorderlik is vir die instandhouding, ontwikkeling en uitbreiding van die gebruik, en bevordering van respek van nie net al die amptelike tale nie, maar ook die tale van die Khoi en San, Suid-Afrikaanse Gebaretaal, en ander tale wat algemeen deur gemeenskappe gebruik word. Daar word onderskei tussen positiewe taalbeplanning deur amptelike en privaat instansies. Terwyl amptelike instansies statutêr verplig word om die taalkousules van die Grondwet na te kom, is die privaat instansies nie aan hierdie voorskrifte gebind nie. In vergelyking met die oorwig van gevalle van taalmiskenning is die voorbeelde van positiewe taalbeplanning juis bevestiging van die oorheersing van Engels. Indien die bevordering van veeltaligheid algemeen, heelhartig en entoesiasties deel van 'n algemene taalbeleid was, sou die bespreekte voorbeelde nie spesifiek uitgesonder hoef te word nie. Abstract: Cases of the disregard of languages, whether perceived or actual, have received wide coverage in the print media. Conversely, however, cases of positive language planning in respect of the languages of minority speakers also occur. The Unit for Language Management at the University of the Free State receives funding from PanSALB in order to monitor the situation regarding language rights, as reported on in the print media. In this article, cases of positive language planning, as reported on in the print media for the period 1 January to 31 December 2003, are discussed. Positive language planning includes, inter alia, the creation of circumstances that are conducive to the maintenance, development and extended use of, and the promotion of respect for, all the official languages, as well as the Khoi and San languages, South African Sign Language, and the other languages generally used by linguistic communities. A distinction is made between positive language planning by official and private institutions. Official institutions are statutorily compelled to comply with the language clauses of the Constitution, while private institutions are not bound by these stipulations. The relatively small proportion of cases of positive language planning, in comparison to the numerous cases of language neglect, provides a clear confirmation of the dominance of English. If the promotion of multilingualism was generally and enthusiastically treated as part of a general policy, it would not have been necessary to discuss individual cases of language planning.Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 2007, 25(4): 557–57