Conflict or Cooperation? The Role of India and Pakistan in Post-2014 Afghanistan

As the coalition forces prepare to exit Afghanistan, concerns regarding peace and stability in the country and future power balance after their departure are becoming paramount. While there will be a considerable American presence, focus has now shifted to local infrastructure and services - civil, military and political and their ability to further peace and progress in the country. Owing to the geostrategic landscape of Afghanistan, in addition to its long conflict ridden history with a significant presence of the Taliban, concerns regarding revival of conflict and violence are coming to the fore – particularly from traditional South Asian rivals i.e. India and Pakistan. Through an in-depth study of the political, economic, cultural and regional dimensions of this tri-lateral relationship, the following paper examines how there is a significant clash of interests and how there can cooperation between India and Pakistan in Afghanista

Foreign policy think tanks: challenging or building consensus on India’s Pakistan policy?

Foreign policy think tanks are now an accepted part of policy making in most democratic societies, yet literature on think tanks is largely limited to American and European case studies. It fails to account for the development of these institutions in other political contexts and while globally think tanks are gaining recognition as policy actors, there is a lack of scholarship on foreign policy think tanks in India. The limited literature on Indian think tanks so far, is ambiguous and does not adequately examine their role in the formulation of India’s foreign policy. It does not take into consideration India’s unique political context and its various institutional structures, that have had an impact on the growth and position of think tanks within the policy landscape. This thesis seeks to problematise the assumptions about foreign policy think tanks in India through a detailed examination of their role within policy processes. It critically examines the policy discourse of Indian think tanks and their specific role in promoting and challenging policy narratives set by the state. The focus of analysis, in particular, is think tank engagement with one of India’s most volatile foreign policy issues - its relationship with Pakistan and the conflict over the disputed territory of Kashmir. It is argued that the Composite Dialogue process which was initiated in 2004 provided avenues for policy change in India’s relations with Pakistan and encouraged active civil society engagement, giving think tanks the opportunity to influence policy making. Developing a novel framework that combines Discursive Institutionalism and Gramscian analysis, the thesis has considered think tanks’ interactive processes – their coordinative and communicative discourse on Pakistan – and a critical analysis of their role and relative position within policy structures in India. The thesis argues that the institutionalisation and patronage to government think tanks such as Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses and Centre for Air Power studies has enabled the Indian government to build consensus on policy directions and perpetuate security centred government thinking on Pakistan. The infusion of foreign funding and relative independence from the government has also enabled the development of non-governmental think tanks. While some of these like the Observer Research Foundation, Centre for Policy Research and Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies are able to articulate ideas that challenge government positions, support from the government is crucial and is directly linked with their ability to retain relevance as non-state policy actors. While dominant literature on India’s foreign policy has criticised think tanks for their lack of policy relevant formulations, the evidence in this thesis will show that policy recommendations from think tanks are extensive, particularly on key issues of the India-Pakistan relationship. They have been active participants in the policy process, particularly during the Composite Dialogue. However, the predominant influence of the Indian state on policy making and the significant structural and material constraints on think tanks have collectively curtailed their influence – presenting significant challenges to their evolving role in foreign policy.Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 201

Gulf States and the Conflict between India and Pakistan

Traditional cultural and economic ties between the Indian subcontinent and the Gulf region have existed for several centuries now. Strengthened further, both India and Pakistan continue to have important economic and strategic ties with the countries of the Gulf. While the Gulf region offers substantial economic advantages to both, they also have the potential to make positive interventions in the bilateral conflict between India and Pakistan. The following chapter analyses the role and position of the Gulf Arab States - in particular the member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and their potential in acting as a buffer for the Indo-Pak conflict. It will evaluate the official positions of the Gulf region towards various aspects of the Indo-Pak conflict. The Gulf countries have often voiced their positions at regional and international forums. An additional aspect of this relationship is that the Gulf States are also members of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC), a pan- Islamic body which has often addressed issues of contention between India and Pakistan, particularly with respect to Kashmir. Through an academic understanding of the issues and incorporating viewpoints of experts in the area, the chapter seeks to provide fresh insights into an aspect which has the possibility of becoming a crucial incentive for peace between India and Pakistan

Internet access and COVID-19: A constitutional argument to right to internet access in India

With the rapid development in the technology, there has been a greater dependence on the digital information which led to the increase in the communication technology. Further. with the greater dependence there requires a certain understanding of legal and human rights status for internet access as there is astonishing increase in the number of users of the internet. Recently in the case of Faheema Sharini V. State of Kerala, the Hon’ble High Court of Kerala opined that the ‘right to internet access’ should also be a part of Article 21 of the Constitution of India, forming a part of the right to privacy and the right to education. Despite India being considered as one of the largest democracies but the recent internet shutdowns depict a different picture altogether. For instance, the Government while exercising its powers under Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973, brought the Kashmir valley under complete internet shut down for a period of 5 (five) months.&nbsp