Superdiversity, social cohesion, and economic benefits

Empirical studies have found that achieving superdiversity—a substantial increase in the scale and scope of minority ethnic and immigrant groups in a region—can provide certain economic benefits, such as higher levels of worker productivity and innovation. Other studies have found that these benefits can be compromised by political and populist anxieties about ethnic, religious, and linguistic diversity

The Multicultural Workforce: The Role of Employers as Gatekeepers

Most firms in Auckland are characterised by a structure which has broad, largely Polynesian base with a smaller totally white executive peak. Employers, as the principal gatekeepers controlling access to the resource of employment, have contributed to this imbalance by limiting the job opportunities available to the Pacific Islander. In relation to th1s, management needs to reassess its attitudes and practices, and the new Human Rights Commission Act may be a suitable incentive

Laissez-Faire Multiculturalism and Relational Embeddedness: Ethnic Precincts in Auckland

The rapid diversification of immigration to New Zealand post-1987 has made Auckland, as the nation’s key gateway city, both culturally and demographically superdiverse, and the location of considerable immigrant business development. We focus here on the development of ethnic precincts as the manifestation of this transformation of the cityscape. The neo-liberalism of the 1980s continues to prevail in the unwillingness of central and local government to recognise the ethnic/immigrant nature of such developments and there has been little in terms of either policy or resourcing to support or brand these precincts. As a consequence of this laissez-faire attitude, immigrants’ relational embeddedness tends to be privileged and ethnic-specific networks dictate the nature and location of ethnic precincts within a policy environment that stresses the importance of market processes and encourages small business development

Making it work: The mixed embeddedness of immigrant entrepreneurs in New Zealand

In seeking economic immigrants, especially those who are skilled, entrepreneurial and with capital to invest, a settler country such as New Zealand has assumed that national and city labour markets/economies will gain by adding to the human capital pool as well as creating new 'economic' activities of various sorts. Economic participation, both as labour but also as typically small business owners, often reflects the nature of mixed embeddedness (Kloosterman and Rath 2003) and especially the relational embeddedness (Portes, cited in, Vertovec 2009) of particular immigrant groups. This is most apparent in relation to social and economic networks, the deployment of human capital, immigrant engagement strategies and transnational activities. Using the concept of mixed embeddedness, this paper examines the strategies and outcomes for migrant entrepreneurs from the People's Republic of China, the Republic of Korea, India, South Africa and the United Kingdom, drawing upon a largely qualitative analysis of immigrant employers from these groups

The Multicultural Workforce: The Role of Employers as Gatekeepers

Most firms in Auckland are characterised by a structure which has broad, largely Polynesian base with a smaller totally white executive peak. Employers, as the principal gatekeepers controlling access to the resource of employment, have contributed to this imbalance by limiting the job opportunities available to the Pacific Islander. In relation to th1s, management needs to reassess its attitudes and practices, and the new Human Rights Commission Act may be a suitable incentive

Apprenticing Our Future: Is the Modern Apprenticeship Scheme the Answer to Skills Shortages?

Despite the recent slow-down of economic activity in New Zealand, serious skill shortages continue and are among the most severe in the OECD. In particular, the large and enduring trades-skill gap is well documented, not only in the New Zealand context but also globally. Recent policy measures, such as the Modern Apprenticeship Scheme, have been welcomed but are only a small step forward in addressing what appears to be an ongoing skills crisis in the traditional trades sector. New Zealand employers remain generally pessimistic that these measures will adequately address the skills deficit, in the short as well as longer term. Systematic barriers remain and the apprenticeship system is constrained and problematic. This paper draws on qualitative data from two studies of employers conducted under the auspices of the interdisciplinary, FRST-funded Labour Market Dynamics Research Programme. It examines the issues, challenges and solutions for enhancing apprenticeship training and ensuring a steady pop-line growth of apprentices in New Zealand. The experiences of employers inform recommendations for training providers, industry organisations and policy agencies in order that they might adapt existing and adopt new strategies to respond to skills shortages via the Modern Apprenticeship Scheme. National good practice is also highlighted

The politics of nostalgia : the petty-bourgeoisie and the extreme right in New Zealand : a thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Massey University

From the early 1970s, extreme right-wing groups began to proliferate in New Zealand and to contribute to public debate. These groups represent one response to the growing politicisation of racial and gender issues, a discontent at the trends in modern capitalism and a nostalgia for the unity and certainty that is seen as epitomising the immediate post-war period. Poulantzas identifies these groups as primarily petty-bourgeois in origin and this class link constitutes a central focus of this thesis. It is argued that the old or traditional petty-bourgeoisie are a declining class fraction who exhibit reactionary tendencies. Their form of petty-commodity production, both rural and urban, is threatened by the development of the corporate economy, exemplified by the interventionist state and the growing size and centralisation of monopoly capital. The resulting decrease in petty-bourgeois positions produces a crisis of confidence as the reproduction of small-scale production is no longer guaranteed. The marginal position of the old petty-bourgeoisie is further confirmed by the absence of political influence. They feel unable to halt the growing 'moral decadence' of recent decades because they lack the political power of capital or labour, or that of expanding class fractions such as the new petty-bourgeoisie. Radical right-wing groups are an expression of these class concerns. The old petty-bourgeoisie have not always identified with reactionary political organisations. Their support was an important factor in the election of the Labour Government in 1935. But during the 1930s, they articulated an ideology that perceived speculative capital, and Jews, as an important cause in financial decline. This world-view was reproduced intact into the 1970s. At this point, a general economic recession emphasised the problems faced by petty-commodity production and the contribution of the old petty-bourgeoisie to moral debates on 'race', gender and peace issues was increasingly superseded by post-war generations and movements. Also, the traditional party of this fraction, Social Credit, experienced a change in leadership in 1972 that marked a rejection of 1930s arguments. Extreme right-wing groups were established to articulate petty-bourgeois concerns and to counter weak representational links with conservative political parties. The ideology and political style of these groups is described in detail. Case studies of the League of Rights, the Country Party and Tax Reduction Integrity Movement/Zenith Applied Philosophy are provided, along with profiles of key activists. The class base of these organisations is confirmed by the contrast with working class neo-fascism and forms of conservatism such as the New Zealand Party. An international comparison involving the United Kingdom, Australia and Canada identifies the specific tendencies of the New Zealand situation. The final section discusses the prognosis for extreme right-wing groups in a situation of crisis. The analysis centres on three questions: (1) in order to widen its constituency, are alliances with other classes or fractions possible; (2) is mass fascism a possibility; (3) are the old petty-bourgeoisie a significant or authentic social force. The thesis concludes that extreme right-wing groups are an expression of petty-bourgeois revolt and they constitute one of the most important examples of reactionary politics with an impact on contemporary social relations and debates

Fact of Fable? The Consequences of Migration for Educational Achievement and Labor Market Participation

Throughout the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, people moved from the Pacific Islands to New Zealand in the expectation that their children would enjoy improved life chances, which they believed would follow from improved quality and availability of formal education in New Zealand. The greater educational opportunities would be translated into improved opportunities in the labor market in the form of higher incomes, higher levels of labor market participation, and upward occupational mobility. This paper explores the origins of these beliefs about education and uses statistical data to establish whether the migrants’ expectations were realized