718 research outputs found

    Direct Foreign Investments And Productivity Growth In Hungarian Firms, 1992-1999

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    The impact of FDI on total factor productivity in Hungary during the 1990s' is assessed with a large enterprise panel. Foreign equity is associated with higher productivity levels and has a substantial, positive spillover effect on aggregate TFP growth. However, this benefit is significant only when associated with export orientation, while inward-looking FDI has negative side effects. Regionally, the north-western area, close to EU borders, benefits much more from FDI, whether foreign-owned or locally-owned private firms are considered. Otherwise, only the later absorb a reduced volume of externalities. Finally, State ownership implies lower levels of productivity, but does not hinder the capacity to respond to market incentives, including FDI induced externalities.http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/39809/3/wp425.pd

    IMF in Theory: Sovereign Debts, Judicialisation and Multilateralism

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    It is argued that the successive regimes for restructuring sovereign debts, since the early 20th century have been shaped by the articulation of three institutional functions: information gathering and economic expertise, then third-party mediation, lastly policy enforcement, also called conditionality. Whereas these functions where integrated within the Fund during the 1980s’ debt crisis, mediation has now been outsourced, under the pressure of the demand by the private sector for a thorough judicialisation of the restructuring process. That is, its inscription within rather rigid procedural rules which would provide much more protection against the interests and the intervention of the sovereigns, especially G7 governments. Two responses to this demand have been formulated: the creation of a supra-national “bankruptcy court”, as envisaged in the SDRM proposal put forward by the IMF in 2001; and the reliance upon national courts, specifically those in which jurisdiction the initial debt contracts had been signed. This latter option corresponds to the contract-based approach to sovereign defaults based on Collective Action Clauses, which was eventually adopted in spring 2003. It is defended that outsourcing third-party mediation makes the IMF considerably much weaker, as it remains with only two functions and no consistent rules of interaction with its traditional partners – private investors and the government of debtor countries.sovereign debts; judicialisation; multilateralism; IMF; conditionality; debts; system of payments; international lending

    Bankruptcy Laws: Part of a Global History

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    This contribution first presents a brief outline of the economic logic of bankruptcy laws as of their historical development in Europe since the Middle-Ages. This experience is then compared with what an economy without a bankruptcy law would like, and three specific, intermediary examples are then discussed : in Ancient Rome, in pre-Meiji Japan and in the traditional Muslim world patterns of bankruptcy laws were developed, although the fully-fledged institution did not emerge. It is then hypothesised that the strong, direct interaction between core state institutions (a court, a judge) and private agents with valuable assets calls for a specific and rather demanding institutionnal set-up: a strong public authority should be mobilised in support of the collective action of creditors, albeit without invading their assembly and pre-empting assets. This specifically liberal rule emerged only in the medieval, European trading cities and was then interrestingly protected by the ulterior, absolutist monarchies. From there on and in the following centuries, it continued its worldwide expansion.This contribution will be published in: Debin Ma et Jan-Luiten van Zanden (dir). Law and Long Term Economic Change: An Eurasian Perspective, Stanford University Press (april 2011

    Qu'est-ce qu'un droit de propriété international ?

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    Alors que le dĂ©bat public considĂšre qu’aprĂšs dix annĂ©es de croissance rapide l’économie mondiale est dĂ©sormais globalisĂ©e, les Ă©conomistes soulignent plutĂŽt les nombreuses raisons pour lesquelles ce mouvement est encore partiel. Et, de fait, la distance est encore grande qui sĂ©pare la situation actuelle d’un hypothĂ©tique marchĂ© mondial, entiĂšrement unifiĂ©. Cela Ă©tant, beaucoup de contributions acadĂ©miques font aussi l’hypothĂšse, au moins dans leurs toutes premiĂšres phrases introductives, que la dynamique actuelle est un processus Ă  peu prĂšs inĂ©luctable, allant dans le sens de marchĂ©s toujours plus intĂ©grĂ©s. Les problĂšmes de gouvernance nĂ©s de ce processus sont alors analysĂ©s en termes de retard, ou d’ajustement (trĂšs) frictionnel entre l’extension de l’initiative privĂ©e et des institutions publiques mal adaptĂ©es, et donc menacĂ©es d’archaĂŻsme. Une grande partie des dĂ©bats qui entourent l’évolution du Fonds monĂ©taire international et de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce est, de fait, posĂ©e dans ces termes (...)

    Éditer PrĂ©vost

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    Comment un Etat fait-il faillite ?

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    La chose est connue : depuis des siĂšcles, les Etats se mettent en dĂ©faut de paiement sur leur dette. Charles Quint en 1559 en est un exemple classique mais la monarchie française a vĂ©cu sous la menace d’une banqueroute pendant au moins cent cinquante ans, jusqu’à la RĂ©volution. De mĂȘme, le Mexique, indĂ©pendant en 1821, s’est endettĂ© pour la premiĂšre fois Ă  Londres en 1824 et a cessĂ© ses paiements trois ans plus tard. Plus prĂšs de nous, les annĂ©es 1930 ou encore la dĂ©cennie 1980 en AmĂ©rique latine offrent des exemples similaires, oĂč la crise est venue le plus souvent avec une grosse rĂ©cession, des tensions sociales intenses et l’hyperinflation. Aujourd’hui, alors que de nombreux Etats europĂ©ens sont surendettĂ©s, la question se pose Ă  nouveau : des dĂ©fauts de paiements par des Etats souverains sont-ils encore possible? Et pourquoi sont-ils si dangereux ? (...)

    Bankruptcy Law, Majority Rule, and Private Ordering in England and France (Seventeenth–Nineteenth Century)

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    Rather than evolving as a platform for renegotiation and debt discharge, as in France, English bankruptcy law emerged as a liquidation-only institution after majority arrangements among creditors were prohibited, in 1621. However, after 1705, good faith debtors could be offered a discharge, i.e. a form of limited liability. Later, private practices also developed into a little-known body of consistent, court-enforced, “quasi-bankruptcy rules” based however on voluntary adhesion. A key element was the convergence between the old, Law Merchant “composition agreement” and the English trust, to which creditors could jointly convey assets. By the 1780s, therefore, merchants were offered rigidity under the statutes or large, though voluntary negotiability in their shadow. Conversely, the French traders’ courts consistently helped the merchants overcome undue defaults, i.e. market failures. But majority vote limited the capacity to restructure rights and to design arrangements that may have better preserved their collective interest over time

    Rapport sur le risque pays du Maroc

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    L’économie marocaine s’est comportĂ©e de maniĂšre satisfaisante au cours des derniĂšres annĂ©es et ne prĂ©sente pas de risque d’investissement majeur Ă  Ă©chĂ©ance de 3 Ă  5 ans. Les comptes extĂ©rieurs, le taux de change et la dette publique totale (66 % du PIB) ne montrent pas de tension sĂ©rieuse. Ce constat reflĂšte aussi l’absence de dette extĂ©rieure nette et l’absorption rĂ©ussie, en 2005, de chocs exogĂšnes non-nĂ©gligeables (pĂ©trole, textile, sĂ©cheresse). En outre, cette Ă©conomie volatile, Ă  l’insertion internationale fragile, conserve des marges de manoeuvre pour rĂ©pondre efficacement Ă  d’éventuels nouveaux chocs (commerce extĂ©rieur, risque climatique, terrorisme, etc.). Le double excĂšs d’offre observĂ© sur les marchĂ©s de facteurs (chĂŽmage et surplus d’épargne) tĂ©moigne cependant d’obstacles structurels Ă  l’initiative privĂ©e, Ă  l’investissement et Ă  la croissance. Les institutions publiques et notamment la rĂ©gulation juridique des Ă©changes semblent en particulier poser problĂšme. AudelĂ , ces facteurs suggĂšrent que le rapport entre l’Etat et les acteurs Ă©conomiques reste peu propice Ă  l’émergence d’une dynamique de rattrapage Ă©conomique rapide. Il est donc peu probable que le Maroc puisse prendre Ă  moyen terme le statut d’économie Ă©mergente, caractĂ©risĂ©e par une rĂšgle capitaliste dure et une capacitĂ© Ă  absorber les fortes tensions sociales . L’action des pouvoirs publics devrait rester centrĂ©e sur la recherche, pas Ă  pas, de compromis viables entre trois objectifs principaux : un ajustement toujours difficile Ă  la concurrence internationale, la prĂ©servation d’un degrĂ© Ă©levĂ© de stabilitĂ© macroĂ©conomique, et la dĂ©fense d’une sociĂ©tĂ© qui n’est pas, a priori, la mieux armĂ©e pour rĂ©pondre aux risques et aux opportunitĂ©s de la globalisation

    Against Globalization: Sovereignty, Courts, and the Failure to Coordinate International Bankruptcies (1870–1940)

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    Coordination of cross-border bankruptcies between 1870 and World War II offers a puzzling image. On the one hand, diplomats, academic lawyers, and private lobbies repeatedly tried to bring regulations closer to the ideal of unity and universality of proceedings: all parties and assets should be assembled in a single forum, governed by a single law. On the other hand, these demands were matched by repeated failures, so that territoriality, fragmentation, and thus relative economic inefficiency dominated. For example, many states adopted bankruptcy laws that were universal in design yet opposed any symmetric endeavor of their neighbors. This institutional stalemate cannot be easily traced to the resistance of shielded interest groups, such as senior creditors. I argue that the problem actually resulted from the interaction of two dimensions of sovereignty: the domestic dimension, whereby (under a liberal constitution) courts protect property rights and possibly reallocate them, as in a bankruptcy procedure; and the international dimension (i.e., the interstate political order), which determines the extent to which states will compromise their domestic prerogatives in order to commit themselves to stronger rules of cross-border cooperation. Between 1870 and 1840 it then seems that the constraints proper to the operation of coherent and trusted legal orders, at the national level, far outweigh the potential benefits more mutual opening. In contrast, the international regime that emerged after 1990 shows how greater international enfranchisement of economic agents was matched by much more fluid coordination and recognition between national jurisdictions.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the conference:"Power, Institutions, and Global Markets: Mechanisms and Foundations of World-wide Economic Integration, ca 1850-1930", organised by C de Jong and N. Peterson; Konstanz (Germany), June 200
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