96 research outputs found
Culture and Mental Health: Considering the Role of the Complex Cultural-History in Irish-American Population
Full text linkThis study investigates the mental health of Irish immigrants and first generation Irish Americans. As the Irish-American population makes up such a large portion of the entire population of the United States, it is important we acknowledge its origin and take that into account where mental illness and treatment are concerned as the Irish culture has a pronounced effect on mental health. The intended audience of this review are expert and non-expert members of the clinical setting and community who may gain insight on helping a client or family member find a way to understand and express repressed feelings affectively. To fully understand Irish culture and acculturation, it was necessary to explore mental health cross-culturally with a researcher lens to gain anthropological, sociological, ecological, psychiatric, and psychological perspective. In literature of this nature, common variables were discussed as playing a part in the most typical behaviors and beliefs of various cultures. Those variables were documented and applied to Irish culture. A positivist approach was taken in the review of the material to summarize and synthesize the interpretation of Irish culture and mental health. It was concluded that socioeconomic status, religion, gender, and age commonly mold the traditions and characteristics of a culture which in turn, affect the status and perception of mental health and illness, as well as the perception of and action taken towards treatment and healing. The history of the Irish culture in terms of religion, surviving imperialism, and socialization seem to be slowly losing its grip on the belief systems of the Irish and Irish-Americans today. However, due to the loyal-to-tradition nature of the Irish, many Irish-American families continue to have troubled relationships as traditional family roles encourage a cycle of problematic behaviors
\u27Connecticut\u27s Most Auncient Towne\u27: A Brief History of Homes in Wethersfield, 1634-1934
Get PDFThis paper aims to delineate the stylistic history of Wethersfield, Connecticut’s domestic architectural culture from the time of its founding in 1634 by Massachusetts adventurer John Oldham through the completion of the Hubbard Community in the mid-1930s by visionary developer and historic home restorer Albert G. Hubbard, originally of Simsbury, Connecticut.
Due to its status as the oldest town in Connecticut, Wethersfield has the advantage of having at least one example of each major style of home building from the mid-seventeenth century age of settlement to the birth of the streetcar suburb and a class of corporate commuters and automobile owners. A relatively unique position, though one that is not entirely uncommon in the Northeast, Wethersfield has devoted itself to preserving the finest examples of historic homes. This paper seeks to bring to light the history, context, and a concise summary of major restorative efforts, including challenges and setbacks, of and to these homes.
The Buttolph-Williams House (c. 1686), the Silas W. Robbins House (1873), the Joseph Webb House (1753), and the Hubbard Community (1912-1938) were chosen as benchmarks in the domestic architectural history of Wethersfield not only for their relative fame, but for their idiosyncrasies as well. These houses may not represent the average home of the day—few residents of the town, after all, could have afforded to build a house as grand as Robbins’s Second Empire mansion—but they symbolize points of great change, or phases of growth in the town’s history. The Buttolph-Williams House, considered a mansion for its time, represents a later phase of the tradition of Medieval English vernacular housing styles that were preserved until about 1750 as (in Wethersfield, mostly Puritan) settlers arrived to the New World and began to forge lives for themselves. The Webb House, a splendid Georgian gambrel house, is one of rather many of its kind on Main Street, though few are so well-preserved. Its solidity, but also its elegance, show the development of the town from the fearful, modest settlement it had been in the seventeenth century to a small, busy place of some sophistication, and, as will be seen, a spot of particular interest for the American Revolutionary War. As mentioned above, the Robbins House especially represents nothing of the norm of Wethersfield, but instead serves as an example of the prowess of entrepreneurship, particularly in agriculture and the seed industry specifically, that ruled the town’s upper class. Finally, the Hubbard Community will be discussed. This area is interesting not only because it shows the intentional imitation of the rhythmic eclecticism of various housing styles standing side-by-side as a result of centuries of change, but also because it is the first automobile-enabled, strategically planned suburban community in Connecticut. Comprised of over two-hundred craftsman, Jacobean Revival, and English Manor style homes, the Hubbard Community was a twenty-five year project resulting in a close-knit, unified community of well-built homes of various designs, completed using local materials and construction teams to ensure quality and affordability
(In)visibility of Black women: Drawing attention to individuality
Get PDFInvisibility is defined as a lack of individuation of or lack of differentiation between group members, and is evident in poor recognition of individual faces. The current work tests the hypothesis that the non-prototypicality of Black women's race and gender results in their ``invisibility" relative to White women and Black and White men. Studies 1 and 2 hypothesized that invisibility would be highest when Black women were depicted as non-prototypical of their race and/or gender groups, but reduced when more prototypical of the group "women" and/or "Black." To manipulate prototypicality, Study 1 varied the numerical representation of Black women within the group "women" to be low (10 out of 80 photos in an array) or equal relative to White women, and Study 2 varied the trait overlap of Black women to be low (25%) or high (75%) relative to White women and/or Black men. Invisibility was measured by a subsequent face recognition task. Rather than invisibility being reduced under conditions of equal numerical representation and high trait overlap, the direct opposite occurred: Low numerical representation and low trait overlap increased recognition of faces. Studies 3 and 4 tested alternative explanations. Study 3 addressed the possibility that the women in Study 1 looked powerful by manipulating perceived power of the women in the photo array (labeled as "secretaries" or "managers"). There was no evidence that power played a role. Study 4 tested the hypothesis that Studies 1 and 2 primed a focus on how Black women are different or unique compared to White women and Black men in the low numerical representation and trait overlap conditions. As predicted, participants who were procedurally primed to focus on similarities were worse at recognizing Black women in a subsequent face recognition task. This effect was attenuated among participants who were procedurally primed to focus on differences. Mirroring the results of Study 1 and 2, Study 4 suggested a difference focus can lead to a reduction in use of category based information and an increased use of individuating information, reducing invisibility. Implications for reduction of invisibility are discussed
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