江戸初期におけるキリスト教禁制と英国

The history of Japan\u27s de-Christianization in the early seventeenth century has often been told, but is here re-examined using new data, much of it previously unknown. The turn against Catholicism is variously attributed to fear of invasion or cultural difference, but most scholars agree the Dutch played little role, seldom engaging with theological issues. Neglected has been the activities of the English, whose East India Company was in Japan 1613-1626. Investigation of its records reveals that effort was expended on promoting England as Christian, yet non-papal. Moreover, England was anti-Jesuit, having recently expelled the order. The head of the English station was Richard Cocks, regarded as a poor merchant. But it has been little recognized that he had a prior career as a spy, employed to counter Catholic interests : he was likely sent to Japan for that reason. Then, in 1616, English ships arrived bearing quantities of painted and printed imagery, including anti-Catholic propaganda. Some was conveyed to Edo and given out to senior shogunal officials. To words were now added visual statements about England\u27s independence from Rome. Their distribution exactly coincides with the final expulsion of the missionaries

The English and the Control of Christianity in Early Edo Japan

The history of Japan’s de-Christianization in the early seventeenth century has often been told, but is here re-examined using new data, much of it previously unknown. The turn against Catholicism is variously attributed to fear of invasion or cultural difference, but most scholars agree the Dutch played little role, seldom engaging with theological issues. Neglected has been the activities of the English, whose East India Company was in Japan 1613–1626. Investigation of its records reveals that effort was expended on promoting England as Christian, yet non-papal. Moreover, England was anti- Jesuit, having recently expelled the order. The head of the English station was Richard Cocks, regarded as a poor merchant. But it has been little recognised that he had a prior career as a spy, employed to counter Catholic interests: he was likely sent to Japan for that reason. Then, in 1616, English ships arrived bearing quantities of painted and printed imagery, including anti-Catholic propaganda. Some was conveyed to Edo and given out to senior shogunal officials. To words were now added visual statements about England’s independence from Rome. Their distribution exactly coincides with the final expulsion of the missionaries

Chapter 7 Piracy and the English in Japan, 1613–23

A Pirate’s View of World History : A Reversed Perception of the Order of Things From a Global Perspective, 2016年4月27-29日, 国際日本文化研究センタ

Maritime Disasters and Auspicious Images : A New Look at Hokusai\u27s Great Wave

Hokusai\u27s print known as the Great Wave, from the series Thirty-Six Views of Mt. Fuji, is among the most recognized works of art worldwide. Prior scholarship has addressed its production, circulation, and extensive afterlife. This paper, by contrast, enquires into what the subject actually means. Why did Hokusai make a representation of vessels in heavy seas, with a sacred mountain behind them? I question what Hokusai might have wanted to impart, and where his visual conceptualization could have come from. In this iconographic investigation, the argument will be made for the Great Wave being best understood in terms of Dutch maritime disaster painting. Such works were theological, offering the terror of death averted by some external divine intervention. Several examples were brought to Japan during the Edo period. It would not have seemed odd to Japanese viewers that ships were capable of supporting symbolic meanings. At the same time, there is no previous example of an independent Japanese depiction of ships in distress. Furthermore, Mt. Fuji offered precisely the promise of safety, its name punning on "no death.

Encoding “The Capital” in Edo

This paper investigates the way in which Edo (Tôkyô) was built in desolate Musashi Plain and how it was given a symbolic focus at the bridge of Nihon-bashi. We also reveal how Edo laid out to evoke, in certain crucial respects, the old capital of Kyô (Kyôto). Edo was a new city, and the Tokugawa could construct as they wished. In the crucial north-west sector (kimon), they chose to gather a group of buildings consciously referring to Kyô. This was a deliberate “encoding” of Kyô within the city which, after 1602, became the shogunal capital. Edo city planning has been much studied before, but the aspects addressed here have never been concertedly examined.Cet article se propose d’examiner la façon par laquelle Edo (l’actuelle Tôkyô) a été construite au sein de la plaine déserte de Musashi, et de quelle manière la capitale shôgunale est devenue le centre symbolique du pays au pont de Nihon-bashi. Nous montrerons également comment le plan d’Edo évoquait certains aspects cruciaux de l’ancienne capitale (Kyô ou Kyôto). Edo constituait une ville entièrement nouvelle et ses maîtres, les Tokugawa, pouvaient la façonner à leur guise. Dans la direction la plus importante, le secteur nord-est (la « porte des démons » ou kimon), ils choisirent de rassembler un certain nombre de bâtiments de façon à faire intentionnellement allusion à la capitale impériale. Il s’agissait là d’« encoder » de façon délibérée Kyôto au sein de la ville qui, après 1602, devint la capitale shôgunale. L’organisation d’Edo a déjà été considérablement étudiée, mais les points examinés ici n’ont jamais fait l’objet d’une analyse systématique