A Model for Dark Matter Halos

A halo model is presented which possesses a constant phase space density (Q) core followed by a radial CDM-like power law decrease in Q. The motivation for the core is the allowance for a possible primordial phase space density limit such as the Tremaine-Gunn upper bound. The space density profile derived from this model has a constant density core and falls off rapidly beyond. The new model is shown to improve the fits to the observations of LSB galaxy rotation curves, naturally provides a model which has been shown to result in a lengthened dynamical friction time scale for the Fornax dwarf spheroidal galaxy and predicts a flattening of the density profile within the Einstein radius of galaxy clusters. A constant gas entropy floor is predicted whose adiabatic constant provides a lower limit in accord with observed galaxy cluster values. While `observable-sized' cores are not seen in standard cold dark matter (CDM) simulations, phase space considerations suggest that they could appear in warm dark matter (WDM) cosmological simulations and in certain hierarchically consistent SuperWIMP scenarios.Comment: 14 pages, 3 figures, accepted for publication in Ap

Neither a Pedestal nor a Cage: In Pursuit of Genuine Gender Equality in the Philippine Workplace

For seven straight years since 2006, the Philippines ranked among the top ten countries in the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Index that rates countries based on their ability to close the gender gap in four fundamental categories, to wit: economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment. At eighth place, the country leads the rest of Asia and proudly shares the top spot in educational attainment and health and survival while managing to land in the top twenty in terms of economic participation and opportunity and political empowerment. While these rankings warm the heart, to say the least, it also prompts a deeper analysis of what lies behind such stellar performance. For while it flatters on the surface, it may not necessarily look the same from an insider’s perspective. Genuine gender equality remains elusive in the Philippine workplace, and the purpose of this paper is to examine this small, unsavory slice of the otherwise sweet pie. It shall start from the premise that an attitude of romantic paternalism burdens the country’s labor policies and this can be traced back to a long history of colonization that deeply embedded such attitude in the country’s culture and traditions and, consequently, its societal institutions. The objective is to recommend sound statutory and political reforms that will remove this barrier to gender equality. To achieve this goal, this paper will examine three models of equality and analyze how these are applied in four jurisdictions: the United States, Canada, France and Sweden. The paper will gather the best practices that can be adopted from these settings and transported to the Philippines, taking into consideration the peculiarities of its past history, present struggles, and future aspirations

The folly of the expanded Maternity Leave Law

The recent enactment of Republic Act No. 11210, otherwise known as the “105-Day Expanded Maternity Leave Law,” on February 20, 2019 was well applauded by women’s groups and their supporters. The Philippine Commission on Women welcomed the signing of the law as a “gift for Filipino women and families” as it “recognizes and acknowledges women’s vital role and contribution to the labor force, while giving them the opportunity to exercise their unique reproductive role.”1 The Gabriela Women’s Party lauded the passage of the law more than ten years since they filed the original bill in 2008 “as a significant move in ensuring women’s right to maternal health and in upholding the security of tenure of pregnant workers”. Senator Risa Hontiveros, principal sponsor of the bill in the Senate, hailed its signing as a “big victory for women and families”. Meanwhile, Representative Pia Cayetano, principal sponsor of the bill in the Lower House, hailed the passage of the law as an “acknowledgement of the dual role of women in society: as members of the work force and as mothers.” Nonetheless, there had also been a few expressions of misgivings. In a survey conducted by the Employers Confederation of the Philippines immediately after the passage of the law, 31% of 118 respondents claimed that the new law will affect their hiring decisions for the following reasons: (a) the long maternity leave is disruptive to the operations and planning for the company, (b) the cost implications caused by the expanded maternity benefit and the hiring and training of temporary replacements are high, (c) the company’s productivity will decline and be compromised due to the long absence of the employee, and (d) the comparatively larger adversarial effect to female-dominated micro and small enterprises. The Philippine Chamber of Commerce and Industry echoed these findings with the observation that “the business sector cannot help but worry over the impact of the Expanded Maternity Leave Law on costs and productivity”. Is there really something to be ecstatic about in the new maternity leave law? Certainly, additional paid maternity leave for women is helpful for their complete recovery after delivery. But, is there a grain of truth in the apprehensions expressed by the business community

IN WOMEN’S HANDS: Why the Philippine response to the COVID-19 pandemic is wanting

On April 9, 2020, the United Nations released a policy brief calling immediate attention to the exacerbated impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic for women and girls “across every sphere, from health to the economy, security to social protection... simply by virtue of their sex” (UN Women, 2020). From the outset, women are overrepresented in service jobs most severely affected by mass lay-offs as the retail, hospitality, and tourism industries ground to a halt upon the imposition of various forms of community lockdowns. Jobs in the informal economy severely affected by the lack of mobility are also dominated by women who have no access to health insurance, paid leaves, unemployment benefits, and other forms of social protection. While women’s ability to engage in paid work has been reduced, the demand for their unpaid care work at home increased exponentially. Women’s already disproportionate share in domestic duties is further strained when children do not attend schools or cannot be placed in day care facilities. Along the same vein, as hospitals and medical facilities focus their efforts on the treatment of COVID-19 patients, caring for other health issues affecting family members, specially the elderly and those burdened with disabilities, become additional responsibilities for women at home. Meanwhile, women’s unique health needs, such as maternal and reproductive health care, are often overlooked in the face of the pandemic

The Grand Maple Dream: Fulfilled, fading or failed?: Filipino women nurses in Manitoba and their struggles against harassment and discrimination

The Philippines is a tiny archipelago in Southeast Asia with over one hundred million people wallowing in a third world economy kept afloat for decades by Overseas Filipino Workers (OFW). In 2017, OFWs collectively sent home cash remittances amounting over $28 billion—roughly$645 million came from Filipinos in Canada. This amount is the eleventh biggest contributor to the Philippine economy (Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, 2018). On the other hand, the Philippines has become the top country for new immigrants to Canada in recent years, surpassing India and China (Friesen, 2018). According to the 2016 Census of Population Program, there are over half a million Filipino immigrants born in Canada, with approximately 10% residing in Manitoba (Statistics Canada, 2017). They are overwhelmingly concentrated in the City of Winnipeg, where they form the largest visible minority community (City of Winnipeg, 2016). As of 2016, more than 10,000 of these Filipinos are employed in the regulated nursing professions (Canadian Institute for Health Information, 2016), where practically 9 out of 10 are women (Canadian Nurses Association, 2016)