(Pseudo)intellectualism and democratic (il)liberalism: on Aurelien Mondon and Aaron Winter's "Reactionary democracy"

In “Reactionary Democracy”, Aurelien Mondon and Aaron Winter frame modern liberal democracy as fundamentally exclusionary. Appeals to liberal democratic principles that both institutionalize and normalize political inequality have not only allowed but actively facilitated the rise of the “alt-” and far-right. In the book, the authors expound the “fuzzy” demarcation between “illiberal” and “liberal” racism, the latter encompassing not only an adherence to principles of universalism, individualism, meritocracy and equality alongside a wilful denial of the effects of systemic racism in multicultural Western societies, but an instrumental support of group self-determination only when and where it serves to further liberal credentials. This review will discuss, given the arguments in the book, the limits of “mainstreaming” support for racial justice in the UK and the challenges for academics, critical theorists of race and scholar activists posed by the increasing pseudo-intellectualization of both illiberal and liberal racist narratives in academia and public discourse

The racialised ‘second existence’ of class: class identification and (de- / re-) construction across the British South Asian middle classes

This paper maps typologies of class identity for the UK-born South Asian middle classes. Using thematic analysis of interviews with twenty British South Asian professionals, it identifies culturally and socially situated forms of class (dis-)identification. It finds that ‘middle-class’ identity is not uncritically adopted or internalised by socially mobile British South Asians who, on the bases of objective socioeconomic markers, may be classified as such. Beyond existing research which has long established the dual material and symbolic nature of class, and the corresponding ‘fuzziness’ of class subjectivity, for the population of interest this can be attributed in large part to: (i) the rapid upward intergenerational social mobility of South Asian groups which is seen to defy British-specific forms of stratification and class reproduction and (ii) the racialisation of class where the symbolic power and subjective salience of middle-classness is mediated through Whiteness. In establishing this, this paper argues for further theoretical and analytical reflection on the racialisation of class taking into account the ethnoracial specificities of culturally diverse ethnic minority populations

Rationalising racial inequality: ideology, hegemony and post-racialism among the Black and South Asian middle classes

Drawing upon 38 qualitative interviews with Black and South Asian middle-class individuals we theorise post-racialism as a hegemonic ideology. While research tends to focus on how racialised people experience racial inequality, some of our participants rationalised such inequality through a post-racial understanding. This post-racial understanding involves commitments to racial progress and transcendence, the view that racism is no longer a societal issue; race-neutral universalism, the belief that we live in a colourblind meritocracy; and a moral equivalence between anti-racism and anti-racialism, allowing for forms of ‘cultural’ racial prejudice. We examine how these components of post-racialism travel from the political macro-ideological level, to the micro-phenomenological level. Through this analysis we argue that these post-racial rationalisations are not the result of false consciousness, but reflect how post-racialism, as a hegemonic ideology, can manifest itself as common-sense and consistent with particular individuals’ histories of mobility and success

Decolonising the curriculum

Social science courses are increasingly coming under fire for the over-representation of white male authors and theorists. Campaigns such as ‘Why Is My Curriculum White?’ call into question the ‘Dead White Men’ approach to teaching political theory, where few female and theorists of colour are included on reading lists. The ways in which knowledge is produced, propagated and perpetuated through White, Western perspectives also spawned the related campaign ‘Why Is My Professor White?’ These campaigns are taking place against a backdrop of immense changes in the higher education sector, which earlier this year saw thousands of university academic staff go on strike over pensions, and a spate of anti-casualisation campaigns crop up at universities across the country. Changes such as these disproportionately affect women and ethnic minorities because of the extent to which we are subject to structural inequalities. Ethnic and gender penalties are present at every academic pay grade. Women are more likely to be on casual, part-time contracts. And ethnic minorities still constitute a minor proportion of senior academic and management staff in most universities. As women of colour (WOC) in the academy – emerging scholars of race who have yet to begin permanent academic roles – the decolonisation campaigns hold personal as well as professional resonance for us. They fuel our desire to impart real change in the way politics is taught in the United Kingdom and to help make a space for scholars like us. However, this desire must sit alongside the realities of our future in the academy. We both started out PhDs in the mid-2010s with the hope of becoming critical and radical but essentially fully fledged and secure academic employees. The structural changes the academy is undergoing not only undermines the work we do to represent the work of subaltern scholars in the field of politics but makes us question our ability as well as our desire to survive and thrive as academics

Demarcation and definition: explicating the meaning and scope of ‘decolonisation’ in the social and political sciences

Decolonisation of the curriculum is a burgeoning yet controversial project of radical change, gaining slow but steady traction in higher education politics departments across the country. At its heart is the acknowledgement and systematic unravelling of colonial and imperial practices in the UK university system. This article pins down what decolonisation is and is not, highlighting the barriers and tentative opportunities to effective decolonisation work. This is discussed in the context of the structural constraints that critical scholars of race — particularly those at the intersection of marginalised racial and gender identities — work against in the academy