Looking Forward from the Warsaw NATO Summit: What Next for the Alliance? College of Europe Policy Brief #13.16, July 2016

Executive Summary > The NATO Warsaw Summit in July 2016 came at a particularly challenging time when European security and stability faces threats from both the East and the South. > The heads of state and government of the NATO member states made some strong commitments that reaffirm the centrality of the transatlantic alliance, including a tangible military presence on the Eastern frontier of the alliance. > This is a good beginning, but the question remains if it is enough to truly deter additional Russian actions that could further destabilize the European security environment. > NATO should redouble its focus on its core competencies as a political-military alliance and make a stronger commitment to the security of its most vulnerable members that would act as a more powerful deterrent

Power is Always in Fashion: A State-Centric Realist Explanation of the European Security and Defence Policy

[From the introduction]. The European Defence and Security Policy (ESDP) is evolving into a concrete structure with a significantly improved means of projecting influence in the international environment. Under the framework of ESDP, Europe has not only developed new military structures and capabilities; it is using them in small but significant missions. Much has been written on the intricacies of those developments, their effects on the relations between members of the European Union and on the transatlantic relationship.1 The purpose of this paper, however, is to return to a more fundamental question: why is the EU developing a capability to project power in the distinct absence of any significant military threat to Europe

Modeling Regional Radiocarbon Trends: A Case Study from the East Texas Woodland Period

The East Texas Radiocarbon Database contributes to an analysis of tempo and place for Woodland era (~500 BC–AD 800) archaeological sites within the region. The temporal and spatial distributions of calibrated 14C ages (n = 127) with a standard deviation (ΔT) of 61 from archaeological sites with Woodland components (n = 51) are useful in exploring the development and geographical continuity of the peoples in east Texas, and lead to a refinement of our current chronologicalunderstanding of the period. While analysis of summed probability distributions (SPDs) produces less than significant findings due to sample size, they are used here to illustrate the method of date combination prior to the production of site- and period-specific SPDs. Through the incorporation of this method, the number of 14C dates is reduced to 85 with a ΔT of 54. The resultantdata set is then subjected to statistical analyses that conclude with the separation of the east Texas Woodland period into the Early Woodland (~500 BC–AD 0), Middle Woodland (~AD 0–400), and Late Woodland (~AD 400–800) periods.The Radiocarbon archives are made available by Radiocarbon and the University of Arizona Libraries. Contact [email protected] for further information.Migrated from OJS platform February 202

Replication Data for: Identity and Security Interests in the Indo-US Relationship

The US and India have forged a remarkably close security relationship since 2000 given the previous hostility of India to American foreign policy in general. Indian state identity until the mid-1990s was shaped by non-alignment and antipathy to the US-led liberal economic order. If identity is the source of interests, then how do states adopt policies that conflict with core elements of their identity when geopolitical shifts push states to adapt to a new regional balance of power? We argue that India did this by activating parts of the state identity that were compatible with American state identity and deemphasizing those elements that were incompatible. But in doing so Indian state identity changed, which impacts on future foreign policy choices. This case illustrates the reciprocal relationship between security interests and state identity. We use content analysis of 10 years of Indian media to demonstrate that the depiction of the US-Indian relationship increasingly focused on the democratic shared values of both states, despite beginning with an emphasis on military cooperation