Deconstructing Development

Whether it is being praised or excoriated, defended or condemned, the concept of development shapes and dominates our thinking about the Third World. Indeed development has evolved into an essentially incontestable paradigm with such a hold on our collective imaginations, that it is almost impossible to think around or beyond it. This article, however, interrogates development to its very core, demonstrating that although it is presented as something that is universal, natural and inevitable, in truth it is part of the Western political and cultural imagination. Moreover, the interlocking ideological assumptions that support this paradigm are inherently hierarchical and by definition privilege certain societies, cultures and institutions while disparaging others. This critique traces how development began, how it has evolved and expanded in theory and practice over the last fifty years, and the evolution and influence of the institutions that determine its content. It also considers the implicit ideology that underpins development, as well as how and why it has come to feel almost inevitable and natural despite its short and disappointing history. While no new meta-narrative is posed, we nonetheless turn to imagining a world that does not demand that people ‘develop’ into something other than what they are

Deconstructing Development

The objective in this article is to construct and then deconstruct the concept of development, and to question whether development is so fundamentally flawed that it should be abandoned in favor of a post-development paradigm. Part I constructs the theory of development, beginning with the discovery of global poverty after the Second World War. It establishes how poverty is in some respects socially contingent, and how the notion of global poverty suddenly homogenized and problematized the lives of the majority of the world\u27s peoples. With the impending Cold War and the disintegration of colonial empires as crucial backdrops, industrialized nations set out to eradicate poverty and bring the benefits of modernization to the impoverished masses of the newly de-colonizing world, and thus development as we now know it was born. From its inception, development was informed and shaped by the meta-narrative of modernization, which is explored as the primary theoretical foundation for the undertakings that were to follow. Law and development is also analyzed as the legal manifestation of modernization theory and as an additional theoretical underpinning of development. Part II explores how development has been constructed in practice. It begins with the international financial institutions that form the institutional edifice of the development project with particular emphasis on the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. It then focuses on the succession of often-contradictory economic experiments and development theories that have emanated from these and other institutions. Development theories have run the gamut as sustainable development, micro-development, women-centered development, endogenous development, appropriate development, Basic Needs, and both state and market-led development have all had their days in the sun. What began as economic growth to eradicate poverty evolved to include enhancing participatory democratic processes , enlarging choices , affording the opportunity to develop to one\u27s fullest potential , participation in decisions affecting one\u27s life , and affording the means to carry out national development goals and promote economic growth, equity and national self-reliance . One consistent theme, however, is that the development project has grown ever larger and more comprehensive. More disturbingly, international financial institutions now determine policy in many Third World countries -much in the way colonial powers once did. IS Yet, despite myr-iad inconsistencies and the well-documented pain and disasters that have resulted from their strategies, these institutions and the concept of development enjoy continuing and largely uncritical support within the international community. Part III turns to legal constructions of development and the seriatim attempts by Third World nations, over the past fifty years, to use international law in the pursuit of development. These efforts began with the demand for Permanent Sovereignty Over Natural Resources, and then turned to broader demands for a New International Economic Order. When these failed, Southern nations asserted a Right to Development, seeking to incorporate development into the burgeoning rights discourse. Reparations are the most recent evolution in the campaign for economic justice, as some Third World nations now demand compensation for the exploitation and crippling consequences of slavery and colonialism. To the extent that these initiatives sought to establish legal obligations for the West, they have been unsuccessful. As this section demonstrates, international law has only reinforced and reproduced the economic and political inequities present in the international economic system. Part IV turns to deconstructing the discourse of development, demonstrating that it is a method of conceptualizing the world that, in turn, shapes the world. Although portrayed as a neutral and universal concept, development is planned, directed and controlled by specific international and national institutions that act in ideological concert and reflect the views and interests of certain communities, societies and cultures. This ideology creates and defines the Other while providing the legal and moral rationale for interventions that locate and cement the Third World on the lower rungs of the international system. Development is the product of a particular perspective and that perspective problematizes and homogenizes the majority of humanity. Deconstructing this discourse suggests that it is at least possible to imagine a post-development world and to perceive the people of the Third World in a fresh light. Given the failures of development, the power relations it engenders, and its generally negative and degrading view of non-Western peoples and cultures, Part V attempts the very difficult task of envisioning a different approach to thinking about the world. No new meta-narrative or grandiose strategy to replace the development paradigm is proposed, for the aim is to reject, rather than substitute, meta-narratives. Nor is the objective to glorify and resurrect Third World traditions, for tradition is seldom faultless and idyllic. Third world peoples have had varied and complex encounters with development, and these experiences must not be over-simplified. Our objective is to begin to envision approaches that accord agency to the people develop-ment presumes to assist. We hope that these alternative visions can somehow give voice to the local, including the voice to embrace, transform, reject or otherwise engage the West and the entire modernization project. We believe the West must abdicate some of the power it has presumed and to begin to re-imagine the lives and agency of others, and in the process perhaps reject often unarticulated but crippling assumptions about the Other . The objective is to pose different questions, to let others pose questions, to learn to listen and to actually hear the responses of others rather than assuming that the answers are already known

Deconstructing Development

The objective in this article is to construct and then deconstruct the concept of development, and to question whether development is so fundamentally flawed that it should be abandoned in favor of a post-development paradigm. Part I constructs the theory of development, beginning with the discovery of global poverty after the Second World War. It establishes how poverty is in some respects socially contingent, and how the notion of global poverty suddenly homogenized and problematized the lives of the majority of the world\u27s peoples. With the impending Cold War and the disintegration of colonial empires as crucial backdrops, industrialized nations set out to eradicate poverty and bring the benefits of modernization to the impoverished masses of the newly de-colonizing world, and thus development as we now know it was born. From its inception, development was informed and shaped by the meta-narrative of modernization, which is explored as the primary theoretical foundation for the undertakings that were to follow. Law and development is also analyzed as the legal manifestation of modernization theory and as an additional theoretical underpinning of development. Part II explores how development has been constructed in practice. It begins with the international financial institutions that form the institutional edifice of the development project with particular emphasis on the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. It then focuses on the succession of often-contradictory economic experiments and development theories that have emanated from these and other institutions. Development theories have run the gamut as sustainable development, micro-development, women-centered development, endogenous development, appropriate development, Basic Needs, and both state and market-led development have all had their days in the sun. What began as economic growth to eradicate poverty evolved to include enhancing participatory democratic processes , enlarging choices , affording the opportunity to develop to one\u27s fullest potential , participation in decisions affecting one\u27s life , and affording the means to carry out national development goals and promote economic growth, equity and national self-reliance . One consistent theme, however, is that the development project has grown ever larger and more comprehensive. More disturbingly, international financial institutions now determine policy in many Third World countries -much in the way colonial powers once did. IS Yet, despite myr-iad inconsistencies and the well-documented pain and disasters that have resulted from their strategies, these institutions and the concept of development enjoy continuing and largely uncritical support within the international community. Part III turns to legal constructions of development and the seriatim attempts by Third World nations, over the past fifty years, to use international law in the pursuit of development. These efforts began with the demand for Permanent Sovereignty Over Natural Resources, and then turned to broader demands for a New International Economic Order. When these failed, Southern nations asserted a Right to Development, seeking to incorporate development into the burgeoning rights discourse. Reparations are the most recent evolution in the campaign for economic justice, as some Third World nations now demand compensation for the exploitation and crippling consequences of slavery and colonialism. To the extent that these initiatives sought to establish legal obligations for the West, they have been unsuccessful. As this section demonstrates, international law has only reinforced and reproduced the economic and political inequities present in the international economic system. Part IV turns to deconstructing the discourse of development, demonstrating that it is a method of conceptualizing the world that, in turn, shapes the world. Although portrayed as a neutral and universal concept, development is planned, directed and controlled by specific international and national institutions that act in ideological concert and reflect the views and interests of certain communities, societies and cultures. This ideology creates and defines the Other while providing the legal and moral rationale for interventions that locate and cement the Third World on the lower rungs of the international system. Development is the product of a particular perspective and that perspective problematizes and homogenizes the majority of humanity. Deconstructing this discourse suggests that it is at least possible to imagine a post-development world and to perceive the people of the Third World in a fresh light. Given the failures of development, the power relations it engenders, and its generally negative and degrading view of non-Western peoples and cultures, Part V attempts the very difficult task of envisioning a different approach to thinking about the world. No new meta-narrative or grandiose strategy to replace the development paradigm is proposed, for the aim is to reject, rather than substitute, meta-narratives. Nor is the objective to glorify and resurrect Third World traditions, for tradition is seldom faultless and idyllic. Third world peoples have had varied and complex encounters with development, and these experiences must not be over-simplified. Our objective is to begin to envision approaches that accord agency to the people develop-ment presumes to assist. We hope that these alternative visions can somehow give voice to the local, including the voice to embrace, transform, reject or otherwise engage the West and the entire modernization project. We believe the West must abdicate some of the power it has presumed and to begin to re-imagine the lives and agency of others, and in the process perhaps reject often unarticulated but crippling assumptions about the Other . The objective is to pose different questions, to let others pose questions, to learn to listen and to actually hear the responses of others rather than assuming that the answers are already known

Extracorporeal Shock Wave Therapy (ESWT) as a treatment for recurrent Neurogenic Heterotopic Ossification (NHO)

“This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Brain Injury on 5 Feb 2013, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.3109/02699052.2012.729293." © 2013 Informa UK Ltd.Primary objective: To describe the effects of extracorporeal shock wave therapy (ESWT) on neurogenic heterotopic ossification (NHO). Research design: A single case study was considered the most appropriate methodology in this situation. Methods and procedures: The subject was a 43 year old female 10 years post-traumatic brain injury with recurring NHO around the hip joint. Baseline assessments of pain using a 10-point VAS, range of motion of the hip using a goniometer and walking ability (number of steps over a standard distance) were conducted. Four applications of ESWT using a Minispec™ Extracorporeal Shock Wave Lithotripsy machine (Medispec Int. USA) administered over 6 weeks to the anterolateral aspect of the right hip. Follow-up assessments were conducted weekly over the period of intervention and then monthly for 5 months. Main outcomes and results: Immediately following treatment, pain was reduced to 0 on the VAS scale; hip range of motion increased and the number of steps over a standard distance reduced, indicating increased step length. At 5-month follow-up, without further ESWT intervention, these results were maintained. Conclusion: This case study suggests that ESWT may be a non-invasive, low risk intervention for the management of NHO

Photoluminescence response of ion-implanted silicon

The photoluminescence intensity from ion-implanted silicon can be quenched by the radiation damage implicit in the implantation.Annealing is then required before the intensity of the luminescence from a defect center is approximately proportional to the concentration of that center. Data from positron annihilation and photoluminescence experiments establish that severe quenching of the luminescence occurs when the mean separation of the small vacancy clusters is less than ∼30 atomic spacings, and the authors map out where, in the annealing and implantation phase space, the luminescence intensity is expected to be approximately proportional to the concentration of the optical centers.This work was supported by EPSRC Grant No. GR/ R10820/01 and by the EU Co-ordination Action programme CADRES. One of the authors J.W.-L. acknowledges the support of the Australian Research Council

The multi-dimensional analysis of social exclusion

The purpose of this project was to review existing sources on multi-dimensional disadvantage or severe forms of social exclusion characterised as ‘deep exclusion’; to recommend possibilities for secondary analysis of existing data sets to explore the dynamics of ‘deep exclusion’; to identify any relevant gaps in the knowledge base; and to recommend research strategies for filling such gaps

Frailty knowledge, training and barriers to frailty management: A national cross-sectional survey of health professionals in Australia

Objective(s): To understand Australian health professionals\u27 perceptions of their knowledge and previous training about frailty, as well as barriers to frailty assessment and management in their practice. Methods: A cross-sectional online survey was developed and distributed to health professionals (medical, nursing and allied health) engaged in clinical practice in Australia through convenience and snowball sampling techniques from March to May 2022. The survey consisted of five sections: frailty training and knowledge; confidence in recognising and managing adults with frailty; the importance and relevance of frailty; barriers to assessing and managing frailty in practice; and interest in further frailty training. Responses were analysed using descriptive statistics. Results: The survey was taken by 736 health professionals. Less than half of respondents (44%, 321/733) reported receiving any training on frailty, with 14% (105/733) receiving training specifically focussed on frailty. Most respondents (78%, 556/712) reported ‘good’ or ‘fair’ understanding of frailty. The majority (64%, 448/694) reported being ‘fairly’ or ‘somewhat’ confident with identifying frailty. Almost all respondents ( \u3e 90%) recognised frailty as having an important impact on outcomes and believed that there are beneficial interventions for frailty. Commonly reported barriers to frailty assessment in practice included ‘lack of defined protocol for managing frailty’ and ‘lack of consensus about which frailty assessment tool to use’. Most respondents (88%, 521/595) were interested in receiving further education on frailty, with a high preference for online training. Conclusions: The findings suggest frailty is important to health professionals in Australia, and there is a need for and interest in further frailty education

A GC1 Acinetobacter baumannii isolate carrying AbaR3 and the aminoglycoside resistance transposon TnaphA6 in a conjugative plasmid.

OBJECTIVES: To locate the acquired antibiotic resistance genes, including the amikacin resistance transposon TnaphA6, in the genome of an Australian isolate belonging to Acinetobacter baumannii global clone 1 (GC1). METHODS: A multiply antibiotic-resistant GC1 isolate harbouring TnaphA6 was sequenced using Illumina HiSeq, and reads were used to generate a de novo assembly and determine multilocus sequence types (STs). PCR was used to assemble the AbaR chromosomal resistance island and a large plasmid carrying TnaphA6. Plasmid DNA sequences were compared with ones available in GenBank. Conjugation experiments were conducted. RESULTS: The A. baumannii GC1 isolate G7 was shown to include the AbaR3 antibiotic resistance island. It also contains an 8.7 kb cryptic plasmid, pAb-G7-1, and a 70,100 bp plasmid, pAb-G7-2, carrying TnaphA6. pAb-G7-2 belongs to the Aci6 Acinetobacter plasmid family. It encodes transfer functions and was shown to conjugate. Plasmids related to pAb-G7-2 were detected in further amikacin-resistant GC1 isolates using PCR. From the genome sequence, isolate G7 was ST1 (Institut Pasteur scheme) and ST231 (Oxford scheme). Using Oxford scheme PCR-based methods, the isolate was ST109 and this difference was traced to a single base difference resulting from the inclusion of the original primers in the gpi segment analysed. CONCLUSIONS: The multiply antibiotic-resistant GC1 isolate G7 carries most of its resistance genes in AbaR3 located in the chromosome. However, TnaphA6 is on a conjugative plasmid, pAb-G7-2. Primers developed to locate TnaphA6 in pAb-G7-2 will simplify the detection of plasmids related to pAb-G7-2 in A. baumannii isolates