4 research outputs found

    Changes in Health Care Expenditure after the Loss of a Spouse : Data on 6,487 Older Widows and Widowers in the Netherlands

    Get PDF
    Background: In ageing populations, informal care holds great potential to limit rising health care expenditure. The majority of informal care is delivered by spouses. The loss of informal care due to the death of the spouse could therefore increase expenditure levels for formal care. Objective: To investigate the impact of the death of the spouse on health care expenditure by older people through time. Additionally, to examine whether the impact differs between socio-demographic groups, and what health services are affectedmost. Design: Longitudinal data on health care expenditure (from July 2007 through 2010) from a regional Dutch health care insurer was matched with data on marital status (2004–2011) from the Central Bureau of Statistics. Linear mixed models with log transformed health care expenditure, generalized linear models and two-part models were used to retrieve standardized levels of monthly health care expenditure of 6,487 older widowed subjects in the 42 months before and after the loss of the spouse. Results: Mean monthly health care expenditure in married subjects was J502 in the 42 months before the death of the spouse, and expenditure levels rose by J239 (48%) in the 42 months after the death of the spouse. The increase in expenditure after the death of the spouse was highest for men (J319; 59%) and the oldest old (J553; 82%). Expenditure levels showed the highest increase for hospital and home care services (together J166). Conclusions: The loss of the spouse is associated with an increase in health care expenditure. The relatively high rise in long-term care expenses suggests that the loss of informal care is an important determinant of this rise.Wetensch. publicati

    Old age mortality and macroeconomic cycles

    Get PDF
    Background As mortality is more and more concentrated at old age, it becomes critical to identify the determinants of old age mortality. It has counterintuitively been found that mortality rates at all ages are higher during short-term increases in economic growth. Work-stress is found to be a contributing factor to this association, but cannot explain the association for the older, retired population. Methods Historical figures of gross domestic product (Angus Maddison) were compared with mortality rates (Human Mortality Database) of middle aged (40– 44 years) and older people (70–74 years) in 19 developed countries for the period 1950–2008. Regressions were performed on the de-trended data, accounting for autocorrelation and aggregated using random effects models. Results Most countries show pro-cyclical associations between the economy and mortality, especially with regard to male mortality rates. On average, for every 1% increase in gross domestic product, mortality increases with 0.36% for 70-year-old to 74-year-old men (p<0.001) and 0.38% for 40-year-old to 44-year-old men ( p<0.001). The effect for women is 0.18% for 70-year-olds to 74-year-olds ( p=0.012) and 0.15% for 40-year-olds to 44-year-olds ( p=0.118). Conclusions In developed countries, mortality rates increase during upward cycles in the economy, and decrease during downward cycles. This effect is similar for the older and middle-aged population. Traditional explanations as work-stress and traffic accidents cannot explain our findings. Lower levels of social support and informal care by the working population during good economic times can play an important role, but this remains to be formally investigated.Wetensch. publicati

    Variation in the costs of dying and the role of different health services,socio-demographic characteristics, and preceding health care expenses

    No full text
    The health care costs of population ageing are for an important part attributable to higher mortality rates in combination with high costs of dying. This paper answers three questions that remain unanswered regarding the costs of dying: (1) contributions of different health services to the costs of dying; (2) variation in the costs of dying; and (3) the influence of preceding health care expenses on the costs of dying.We retrieved data on 61,495 Dutch subjects aged 65 and older from July 2007 through 2010 from a regional health care insurer. We included all deceased subjects of whom health care expenses were known for 26 months prior to death (n ¼ 2833). Costs of dying were defined as health care expenses made in the last six months before death. Lorenz curves, generalized linear models and a two-part model were used for our analyses. (1) The average costs of dying are V25,919. Medical care contributes to 57% of this total, and long-term care 43%. The costs of dying mainly relate to hospital care (40%). (2) In the costs of dying, 75% is attributable to the costliest half of the population. For medical care, this distribution figure is 86%, and for long-term care 92%. Age and preceding expenses are significant determinants of this variation in the costs of dying. (3) Overall, higher preceding health care expenses are associated with higher costs of dying, indicating that the costs of dying are higher for those with a longer patient history. To summarize, there is not a large variation in the costs of dying, but there are large differences in the nature of these costs. Before death, the oldest old utilize more long-term care while their younger counterparts visit hospitals more often. To curb the health care costs of population ageing, a further understanding of the costs of dying is crucial.Wetensch. publicati
    corecore