A Note on Zipf's Law, Natural Languages, and Noncoding DNA regions

In Phys. Rev. Letters (73:2, 5 Dec. 94), Mantegna et al. conclude on the basis of Zipf rank frequency data that noncoding DNA sequence regions are more like natural languages than coding regions. We argue on the contrary that an empirical fit to Zipf's ``law'' cannot be used as a criterion for similarity to natural languages. Although DNA is a presumably an ``organized system of signs'' in Mandelbrot's (1961) sense, an observation of statistical features of the sort presented in the Mantegna et al. paper does not shed light on the similarity between DNA's ``grammar'' and natural language grammars, just as the observation of exact Zipf-like behavior cannot distinguish between the underlying processes of tossing an $M$ sided die or a finite-state branching process.Comment: compressed uuencoded postscript file: 14 page

A Dynamical Systems Model for Language Change

Formalizing linguists' intuitions of language change as a dynamical system, we quantify the time course of language change including sudden vs. gradual changes in languages. We apply the computer model to the historical loss of Verb Second from Old French to modern French, showing that otherwise adequate grammatical theories can fail our new evolutionary criterion

The Logical Problem of Language Change

This paper considers the problem of language change. Linguists must explain not only how languages are learned but also how and why they have evolved along certain trajectories and not others. While the language learning problem has focused on the behavior of individuals and how they acquire a particular grammar from a class of grammars ${cal G}$, here we consider a population of such learners and investigate the emergent, global population characteristics of linguistic communities over several generations. We argue that language change follows logically from specific assumptions about grammatical theories and learning paradigms. In particular, we are able to transform parameterized theories and memoryless acquisition algorithms into grammatical dynamical systems, whose evolution depicts a population's evolving linguistic composition. We investigate the linguistic and computational consequences of this model, showing that the formalization allows one to ask questions about diachronic that one otherwise could not ask, such as the effect of varying initial conditions on the resulting diachronic trajectories. From a more programmatic perspective, we give an example of how the dynamical system model for language change can serve as a way to distinguish among alternative grammatical theories, introducing a formal diachronic adequacy criterion for linguistic theories

Formalizing Triggers: A Learning Model for Finite Spaces

In a recent seminal paper, Gibson and Wexler (1993) take important steps to formalizing the notion of language learning in a (finite) space whose grammars are characterized by a finite number of parameters. They introduce the Triggering Learning Algorithm (TLA) and show that even in finite space convergence may be a problem due to local maxima. In this paper we explicitly formalize learning in finite parameter space as a Markov structure whose states are parameter settings. We show that this captures the dynamics of TLA completely and allows us to explicitly compute the rates of convergence for TLA and other variants of TLA e.g. random walk. Also included in the paper are a corrected version of GW's central convergence proof, a list of "problem states" in addition to local maxima, and batch and PAC-style learning bounds for the model