Impediments to the Productive Employment of Labor in Japan

We examine a number of personnel practices, laws and regulations that lower the supply of labor in the Japanese economy. Broadly speaking, there are two kinds of impediments, those that restrict the movement of labor between firms, and those that discourage women from participating to a greater extent. Using other OECD countries and especially the United States as a benchmark, we estimate that removal of these barriers would increase the productive labor supply in Japan by some 13 to 18 percent and thus could raise the potential growth rate of the Japanese economy by roughly 1% per annum over a ten-year period.labor mobility; gender

Constraints on the Level and Efficient Use of Labor in Japan

We examine a number of personnel practices, laws and regulations that lower the supply of labor in the Japanese economy. Broadly speaking, there are two kinds of impediments, those that restrict the movement of labor between firms, and those that discourage women from participating to a greater extent. Using other OECD countries and especially the United States as a benchmark, we estimate that removal of these barriers would increase the productive labor supply in Japan by some 13 to 18 percent and thus could raise the potential growth rate of the Japanese economy by roughly 1% per annum over a ten-year period.

The Political Impact of the Charter

Ms. Rebick discusses the history of section 15 and argues that it is important to note that it was the women’s movement and the burgeoning disability rights movement that fought to strengthen the language of section 15 against some considerable resistance on the part of the Liberal government of the day. The strong equality rights language of section 15 is due to the creativity, mobilization, and persistence of the women’s movement. Whatever the legal impact of the Charter the political impact has been overwhelmingly positive. Whether or not women have actually won rights under section 15, women believe that they have the right to equality and that is incredibly important. In fact, Canadians believe deeply in the equality rights of the Charter and this belief has helped to fuel equality rights movements in Canada that have been mobilizing over the last decades up to and including the most recent example of gays and lesbians in the same-sex marriage struggle. Ms. Rebick notes that the women’s movement considered the inclusion of section 28 a major victory for equality rights in Canada, our Equal Rights Amendment. Yet in the history of Charter litigation and despite the dismal record of litigation on gender equality for women, section 28 has rarely been used. Lawyers see section 28 as a back up to section 15 rather than as a counter to section 1 and perhaps some discussion on section 28 would be a useful way to improve the court record on women’s equality

The Political Impact of the Charter

Ms. Rebick discusses the history of section 15 and argues that it is important to note that it was the women’s movement and the burgeoning disability rights movement that fought to strengthen the language of section 15 against some considerable resistance on the part of the Liberal government of the day. The strong equality rights language of section 15 is due to the creativity, mobilization, and persistence of the women’s movement. Whatever the legal impact of the Charter the political impact has been overwhelmingly positive. Whether or not women have actually won rights under section 15, women believe that they have the right to equality and that is incredibly important. In fact, Canadians believe deeply in the equality rights of the Charter and this belief has helped to fuel equality rights movements in Canada that have been mobilizing over the last decades up to and including the most recent example of gays and lesbians in the same-sex marriage struggle. Ms. Rebick notes that the women’s movement considered the inclusion of section 28 a major victory for equality rights in Canada, our Equal Rights Amendment. Yet in the history of Charter litigation and despite the dismal record of litigation on gender equality for women, section 28 has rarely been used. Lawyers see section 28 as a back up to section 15 rather than as a counter to section 1 and perhaps some discussion on section 28 would be a useful way to improve the court record on women’s equality

Post-traumatic vancomycin-resistant enterococcal endophthalmitis

The emergence of antibiotic-resistant organisms among severe ocular infections is of grave concern. We describe the first reported case of vancomycin-resistant enterococcal endophthalmitis following ocular trauma, uniquely caused by Enterococcus gallinarum. The organism demonstrated intrinsic resistance to ceftazidime and vancomycin but responded favorably to a combination of intravitreal and intravenous ampicillin, plus intravitreal amikacin. When faced with a multidrug-resistant organism, the ophthalmologist must consider alternative antibiotic strategies

Crumbling Pillar? Declining Union Density in Japan

This paper seeks to understand the recent decline of union density in Japan from 35% in 1975 to 28% in 1987. The decline in density is analyzed in terms of the changing proportion of workers in high and low unionization groups and the changes in density within those groups. Then using a stockflow relationship we look at how the organizing rate of new unions affects the overall density. A regression model assesses our interpretation of changes in Japanese density. Our principal findings are: (1) Structural shifts in the composition of employment and of the demographics of the work force account for only a modest proportion of the drop in Japanese density. As in the United States, most changes in density occur within industries and among defined demographic groups of workers. (2) Much of the decline in density is associated with the inability of Japanese unions to organize new establishments. We attribute this in part to lowered worker interest and stiffened management opposition to unionism following the oil shock, buttressed by unfavorable changes in the political and legal environment for collective bargaining and for union organization. and by other management actions, such as creating additional pseudomanagerial posts for older male workers.

O CONFAZ E A EDIÇÃO DE CONVÊNIOS NO ÂMBITO DO ICMS: LIMITES À LEGALIDADE E À CONSTITUCIONALIDADE

OBJETIVO DO TRABALHOO objetivo do presente texto é discutir os limites da atuação do Conselho Nacional de Política Fazendária na edição de normas de regulamentação do ICMS dentro dos estritos ditames da Lei e da Constituição Federal A busca de um verdadeiro pacto federativo, obviamente necessário a um tributo desta natureza, originou, no início da década de 70 a criação do Conselho Nacional de Política Fazendária (CONFAZ), composto pelos 27 Estados e pela União, que possui como missão prioritária, a harmonização dos procedimentos do ICMS em um País continental e desigual. Segundo o art. 100, IV do CTN, os Convênios ICMS, assinado pelo executivo das Unidades da Federação, são normas complementares das leis e dos decretos. A esse Conselho, formado pelos Secretários de Fazenda dos Estados, e pelo Ministro da Fazenda (que o dirige), compete promover a celebração de convênios, para efeito de concessão ou revogação de isenções, incentivos e benefícios fiscais do imposto de que trata o inciso II do art. 155 da Constituição, de acordo com o previsto no § 2º, inciso XII, alínea “g”, do mesmo artigo e na Lei Complementar nº 24, de 7 de janeiro de 1975, bem como: a) promover a celebração de atos visando o exercício das prerrogativas previstas nos artigos 102 e 199 da Lei nº 5.172, de 25 de outubro de 1966 (Código Tributário Nacional), como também sobre outras matérias de interesse dos Estados e do Distrito Federal;  b) promover a gestão do Sistema Nacional Integrado de Informações Econômico-Fiscais - SINIEF, para a coleta, elaboração e distribuição de dados básicos essenciais à formulação de políticas econômico-fiscais e ao aperfeiçoamento permanente das administrações tributárias;  c) promover estudos com vistas ao aperfeiçoamento da Administração Tributária e do Sistema Tributário Nacional como mecanismo de desenvolvimento econômico e social, nos aspectos de inter-relação da tributação federal e da estadual. Como a tarefa de legislar complementarmente sobre o tributo (à luz do art. 146 da CF/88) é do congresso nacional e ele não vem atendendo a demanda dentro da velocidade que as atividades mercantis evoluem, o CONFAZ ver “legislando suplementarmente” sobre o tema, por intermédio de Convênios como foi o caso do Convênio ICM 66/88 por ocasião da inovação constitucional e que durou 8 anos até o advento da Lei Kandir ou ainda, mas recentemente, por intermédio do Convênio ICMS 93/2015 em decorrência da EC 87/2015 gerando questionamentos se o limite de atuação desse órgão não estaria suplantando os limites legais e constitucionais, notadamente porque nos últimos anos, em função da cada vez mais grave crise política, temos um legislativo que não legisla, mas os Estados e o cidadão comum não podem ficar à mercê desta lacuna, ficando a preocupação com o limites que essa atuação pode e deve ter para não ferir o princípio da legalidade