93 research outputs found

    Inequalities of wealth distribution in a conservative economy

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    We analyze a conservative market model for the competition among economic agents in a close society. A minimum dynamics ensures that the poorest agent has a chance to improve its economic welfare. After a transient, the system self-organizes into a critical state where the wealth distribution have a minimum threshold, with almost no agent below this poverty line, also, very few extremely rich agents are stable in time. Above the poverty line the distribution follows an exponential behavior. The local solution exhibits a low Gini index, while the mean field solution of the model generates a wealth distribution similar to welfare states like Sweden.Comment: 7 pages, 4 figures, submitted to Physica A, Proceedings of the VIII LAWNP, Salvador, Brazil, 200

    Correlation between Risk Aversion and Wealth distribution

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    Different models of capital exchange among economic agents have been proposed recently trying to explain the emergence of Pareto's wealth power law distribution. One important factor to be considered is the existence of risk aversion. In this paper we study a model where agents posses different levels of risk aversion, going from uniform to a random distribution. In all cases the risk aversion level for a given agent is constant during the simulation. While for a uniform and constant risk aversion the system self-organizes in a distribution that goes from an unfair ``one takes all'' distribution to a Gaussian one, a random risk aversion can produce distributions going from exponential to log-normal and power-law. Besides, interesting correlations between wealth and risk aversion are found.Comment: 8 pages, 7 figures, submitted to Physica A, Proceedings of the VIII LAWNP, Salvador, Brazil, 200

    Histologic grading of primary prostatic carcinoma--study of Gleason histologic grading

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    1973年1月から13年間に, 経験した未治療の前立腺癌98症例について, 取扱い規約およびGleasonの分類に基づいて組織学的に分類し, 予後との関係について検討した.1) Gleason分類のscoreは取扱い規約の分類とよい相関を示した.2) Gleason分類のscoreは臨床病期が進むにつれて高くなる傾向を示したが, stage Aでscoreが10の症例が1例認められ, stage Dでscoreが3の症例を認めた.3) Gleason分類のscoreが低い症例の生存率は最もよかったが, 各scoreの群間では必ずしも生存率に有意差を認めなかったGleason histologic grading for prostatic carcinoma was evaluated in a retrospective analysis. The present study comprises 98 cases of prostatic adenocarcinoma followed from January, 1973 to December, 1985. Histological materials were obtained by needle biopsy, transurethral resection or by suprapubic prostatectomy. Such slides were examined by a pathologist without previous knowledge of the patients and were assigned according to the General Rules for Clinical and Pathological Studies on Prostatic Cancer (1985) or Gleason system. Most patients fell within a Gleason score of 6, 7 and 8, and had a correspondingly high stage tumors. The survival rate for the patients was analyzed according to Gleason score. Because of the small numbers of patients some scores were combined. There were no cancer deaths for the 15 patient with a Gleason score under 5. Patients with a higher score (9-10) had a poorer prognosis (32% of survival rate at 2, 234 days), but there was no significant correlation between a Gleason score of 6, 7 or 8, or that of a higher score (9-10) and survival rate

    Prediction of soil cover and soil rock for rangeland infiltration.

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    Liberal multiculturalism reconsidered

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    This article starts by setting out the evaluative criteria provided by Will Kymlicka's liberal account of individual freedom and equality. Kymlicka's theory of cultural minority rights is then analysed using these criteria and found to be defective in two respects. First, his assignment of different rights to national and ethnic groups is shown to be inegalitarian with regard to generations after the first. Second, his recommendation of strong cultural protections is shown in some circumstances to undermine freedom and equality. Towards the end of the article a policy of gradual and inclusive assimilation is described that may effectively promote the freedom and opportunities of members of cultural minorities. In conclusion, group-specific rights may, as Kymlicka says, be justified in liberal terms, but only where they differ in content from those he proposes
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