Efficient Lookup Table-Based Adaptive Baseband Predistortion Architecture for Memoryless Nonlinearity

Digital predistortion is an effective means to compensate for the nonlinear effects of a memoryless system. In case of a cellular transmitter, a digital baseband predistorter can mitigate the undesirable nonlinear effects along the signal chain, particularly the nonlinear impairments in the radiofrequency (RF) amplifiers. To be practically feasible, the implementation complexity of the predistorter must be minimized so that it becomes a cost-effective solution for the resource-limited wireless handset. This paper proposes optimizations that facilitate the design of a low-cost high-performance adaptive digital baseband predistorter for memoryless systems. A comparative performance analysis of the amplitude and power lookup table (LUT) indexing schemes is presented. An optimized low-complexity amplitude approximation and its hardware synthesis results are also studied. An efficient LUT predistorter training algorithm that combines the fast convergence speed of the normalized least mean squares (NLMSs) with a small hardware footprint is proposed. Results of fixed-point simulations based on the measured nonlinear characteristics of an RF amplifier are presented

Why is populism so robustly associated with conspiratorial thinking? Collective Narcissism and the Meaning Maintenance Model

The current wave of populism has been characterized by visible presence of conspiratorial ideation, explanations for events that—typically without evidence— assume secretive, malevolent plots involving collective actors. In this chapter, we argue that collective narcissism, i.e., resentment for the lack of recognition of one’s own group’s entitlement to privileged treatment, lies at the heart of populism. We propose that when people endorse national narcissism, the belief that their national group is exceptional is continually violated by the realization that this exceptionality is not recognized by other groups. This motivates people to search for an explanation for the lack of recognition for their nation that would allow them to maintain its exaggerated image. Conspiracy theories provide external reasons why others question the exceptionality of the nation. They justify constant vigilance to threats to the nation’s exceptionality and provide a reassurance that the nation is important enough to attract secretive plots from others. Antagonistic belief in the malicious plotting of others fits the general tendency associated with collective narcissism, to adopt a posture of intergroup hostility. Independently, the aversive arousal stemming from endorsing the collective narcissistic belief motivates people to affirm any available belief and search for any meaningful relations and patterns. This makes them likely to seize on any conspiracy theories because they offer coherent meaning systems often supported by elaborate arguments. Thus, conspiracy theories and conspiratorial thinking satisfy psychological needs associated with collective narcissism

The Same, but Different: Central Banks, Regulatory Agencies, and the Politics of Delegation to Independent Authorities

Independent regulatory agencies are the institutional foundations of the regulatory state that, during the past 15 years, has gained prominence throughout Europe. This article studies the rise of independent authorities in European countries by comparing regulatory agencies and central banks. Delegation to independent central banks and to independent regulatory agencies is similar in many respects. In both cases, agents are deliberately made independent from political principals through a specific institutional design. Moreover, it has been argued that delegation to both central banks and regulatory agencies is linked to the need for policy-makers to improve the credibility of policy commitments, to the wish of incumbent politicians to tie the hands of future majorities, and to the extent to which the institutional contexts safeguard policy stability. Through an analysis of the formal independence of central banks and regulatory agencies in Western Europe, this article identifies an empirical puzzle that casts doubts on the accuracy of current explanations. Veto players and the uncertainty of incumbent policy-makers in respect to their re-election prospects matter for delegation to both central banks and regulatory agencies, but in opposite ways. Making sense of these anomalies is necessary to achieve a better understanding of delegation to independent authorities

TQM’s impact on the legal apparatus: informing and directing compliance practices

As we near the end of the second decade of the 21st century, the education sector is still talking about TQM (or quality management systems as is becoming known in reference to the ISO 9000 series of standards). TQM has been accepted as an ‘inferior’ source of legal norms in numerous countries, based on what Hart (1997) saw as ‘rule of recognition’. This does not mean that TQM is seen as of lesser value, but as dependent of and supporting or undergirding the ‘superior’ legal norms espoused in administrative procedure acts and enacted through regulatory schemes. Why has TQM made such inroads within the regulatory schemes of government and why should teachers and administrators within all levels of the education sector have to concern themselves with it? Much of this is due to educational systems at all levels (primary, secondary, higher) have developed new industries around it to meet public and government expectations. Becoming aware of TQM’s presence in the regulatory environment helps make sense of demands and expectations from the external environment as represented by government and other key stakeholders. TQM, rather than being treated as a fad, should be seen as a normative “source” of law as viewed by Kelsen (1952) or as a “paradigm” which filters the interpretation and acceptance of the norm (Dworkin 1986). TQM is often seen in terms of a leadership or management framework, but in actuality it is more frequently adopted for the sake of utility by politicians and regulators. The result: economic theory and managerialism have become more widespread in administrative rules while at the same time providing challenges to, among other things, earlier accepted standards of practice in administrative procedures and decision review concepts (McAuslan 1988)

James Buchanan’s theory of federalism: from fiscal equity to the ideal political order

The distinct characteristic in James Buchanan's thinking about federalism in contrast to the traditional theory of fiscal federalism is his view about fiscal competition. In this paper, it is demonstrated that this thinking went through three stages. From the 1950s to the beginning of the 1970s, his analyses were well embedded in the traditional fiscal federalism literature and concerned with equity and efficiency issues. In the Leviathan approach starting from the midseventies, he considered competition between jurisdictions as a means to restrict Leviathan governments. In his interpretation of federalism as an ideal political order, Buchanan binds these perspectives together and adds a procedural view: Federalism enables citizens to exert political control, it raises their interest in politics because one vote has more influence, and it facilitates to act morally within their moral capacity