5,646 research outputs found
Contesting Space, Power Relations and the Urban Built Environment in Colonial Singapore: Boook reviews
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A pre-proposal report for a proposed upland development project n Guizhou Province, P.R.C: phase I, Qingzhen County
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Writing the Histories of Indigenous Agriculture in Southeast Asia.
Get PDFThe need for this review is obvious, for the historiography of agriculture, like its
history, has been sorely neglected. The fairly-recent collection of essays published as
New terrains in Southeast Asia history, (1) for instance, makes only passing mentions of
the subject. A necessary preliminary to this introduction to the historiography of
agriculture in the region is to define terms. Obviously there are many kinds of histories of
agriculture; those linking trade, politics or economics with agriculture, histories of
agricultural technology in general or particular, histories at all scales from the region as a
whole to single villages or social groups.
By ‘indigenous’ is meant those forms of agriculture that have been so long established
that this term can be legitimately applied to them. Such are far more than simply
‘subsistence’, a term that begs a further set of questions, not to be addressed here.
‘Indigenous’ clearly excludes those forms of agriculture involving high levels of
capitalization linked with export orientation of non-food commodities, though it may
include those with some degree of centralized management. Such were the riceproducing
systems of metayage that developed in colonial-era Cochinchina (2) and in
Province Wellesley, Peninsular Malaysia, (3) or in the slave-based religious foundations
of early Cambodia (4). Even if partly market-oriented, indigenous agriculture includes a
significant subsistence component. Its methods are those of long standing traditions
rather those of modern agricultural science though clearly in more recent times, some
modern aspects may be included, such as large-scale irrigation from stored water, written
titles to land or the use of fertilizers. Indigenous agriculture is also economically part of
an over-arching and at the family level, an integrated system of obtaining the necessities
of life from cultivation, the rearing of animals and from foraging, some of the last in the
fields. (It may be argued, with some justification, that conceptually extracting agriculture
from such a system fatally damages what in reality and in the eyes of its practitioners is a
single entity).published_or_final_versionUniversity of Hong Kon
The impact of urbanization on rural: urban linkages in Thailand and Malaysia
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Land use change on the urban fringe
Get PDFUntil recently, much of the research done on urban areas has treated the city as a contained entity, having a well-defined perimeter beyond which the countryside could be said to begin. Increasingly, however, studies like those conducted under the MAB-SCOPE programme on 'Urbanization and Environmental Change', are emphasizing the dynamics of urban growth. One aspect of this is the loss of rural land to urban sprawl and the other mixed land uses which seem to characterize this twilight zone. Ron Hill's article examines the changing profile of the urban fringe in different parts of the world, and gives some examples drawn primarily from South-East Asia of how this problem is being managed.published_or_final_versio
Writing the Histories of ‘Traditional’ Agriculture in Southeast Asia
Get PDFA necessary preliminary to this introduction to the historiography of agriculture in the region is to define terms. Obviously there are many kinds of histories of agriculture; those linking trade, politics or economics with agriculture, histories of agricultural technology in general or particular (much neglected), histories at all scales from the region as a whole to single villages or social groups. Both pre- and proto-histories may be subsumed within ‘histories’.
By ‘traditional’ is meant those forms of agriculture that have been so long established that this term can be legitimately applied to them. Such are far more than simply ‘subsistence’, a term that begs a further set of questions, not to be addressed here. ‘Traditional’ clearly excludes those forms of agriculture involving high levels of capitalization and export orientation of non-food commodities though it includes those with some degree of centralized management, whether this was the form of the metayage that developed in colonial-era Cochinchina or in the religious foundations of early Cambodia. Even if partly market-oriented, ‘traditional’ agriculture includes a significant subsistence component and its methods are those of long standing rather those of modern agricultural science though clearly in more recent times, some modern aspects may be included, such as large-scale irrigation from stored water, written titles to land or the use of fertilizers. ‘Traditional’ agriculture is also economically part of an over-arching and at the family level, an integrated system of obtaining the necessities of life from cultivation, the rearing of animals and from foraging, some of the last in the fields. (It may be argued, with some justification, that conceptually extracting agriculture from such a system fatally damages what in reality and in the eyes of its practitioners is a single entity).published_or_final_versio
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