The case of restricted locatives

International audienceThis paper examines the cross-linguistic phenomenon of locative case restricted to a closed class of items (L-nouns). Starting with Latin, I suggest that the restriction is semantic in nature: L-nouns denote in the spatial domain and hence can be used as locatives without further material. I show how the independently motivated hypothesis that directional PPs consist of two layers, Path and Place, explains the directional uses of L-nouns and the cases that are assigned then, and locate the source of the locative case itself in p 0 , for which I then provide a clear semantic contribution: a type-shift from the domain of loci to the object domain. I then examine cross-linguistic restrictions on the use of locative case and show that the patterns observed can be accounted for on the same assumptions

Ablaut and transitive softening in the Russian verb

Transitive softening in Russian is a type of consonant mutation resulting from an underlying [CjV] cluster. There exist two closed classes of verbs where it occurs in the present tense in the absence of a clear source for a glide: five verbs with the thematic suffix ‑o‑, which can be illustrated by the verb kolótʲ ‘to stab’, and some 100 verbs with the thematic suffix ‑a‑, which can be illustrated by the verb pisátʲ ‘to write’. To explain how [o] and [a] end up as glides, I propose that the vowels in question change into their front counterparts as a result of the same process as that responsible for the stem ablaut in the verb molótʲ ‘to grind’ (1sg: melʲú). I argue that the hypothesis that ablaut can apply to thematic vowels as well as to stems makes it possible to account for another Russian verb exhibiting an unexpected behavior in the present tense (revétʲ ‘to bellow’). Since the latter part of the argument introduces ablauts involving more than one feature, the remainder of the paper is dedicated to the discussion of how multiple feature changes should be formalized

Les adjectifs – Une introduction

Cet article représente une brève introduction au domaine des adjectifs, leur syntaxe, sémantique et morphologie, ainsi qu’à la typologie des adjectifs. Il discute quelques-uns des thèmes les plus souvent abordés de ce domaine, tels que l’emploi épithète et l’emploi prédicatif des adjectifs; la sémantique et la syntaxe de la dépendance contextuelle y compris la scalarité; la structure argumentale des adjectifs; la syntaxe du syntagme adjectival et son comportement à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur du syntagme nominal; l’existence d’une classe des adjectifs, distincte des noms et des verbes, et les propriétés des adjectifs à travers les langues; et les questions de la morphologie adjectivale (l’accord, les affixes dérivationnels, etc.)

Movement of degree/degree of movement

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2002.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 190-196).In this project we examine the DP-internal behavior of degree operators contained in attributive extended APs, specifically degree fronting (so sunny a day) and degree right extraposition (a day sunny enough). We argue that both processes have to do with the scope of the degree operator, namely, that degree fronting is a diagnostic of clausal scope of the degree operator, while right extraposition is overt QR to the DP-internal landing site where a quantifier can be interpreted. We first show that pre-determiner APs in Germanic languages (so sunny a day) are moved to [Spec, NumP] only if they contain a degree operator, i.e. an element that cannot be interpreted in situ. We will then show that the appearance of the adjectival projection in that position is due to pied-piping, and that different degree operators behave differently with respect to how much material is moved overtly (pied-piping). We then turn to right extraposition. We will show that it can be differentiated from other cases traditionally denoted by the same term (e.g. a professor proud of her children). On the other hand, it has certain properties permitting to assimilate it to DP-extraposition to the right periphery of the vP (Heavy NP Shift) - it has new information status and permits stranding of the argument of the degree operator (a more interesting problem than this). These and similar factors suggest that right extraposition of degree-containing extended APs is overt QR of the degree operator accompanied by more or less pied-piping. The overall picture seems to be that QR an overt movement processes examined for clausal projections exist in nominal projections as well and have similar properties.by Ora Mitchell Matushansky.Ph.D

Negation and the functional sequence

There exists a general restriction on admissible functional sequences which prevents adjacent identical heads. We investigate a particular instantiation of this restriction in the domain of negation. Empirically, it manifests itself as a restriction the stacking of multiple negative morphemes. We propose a principled account of this restriction in terms of the general ban on immediately consecutive identical heads in the functional sequence on the one hand, and the presence of a Neg feature inside negative morphemes on the other hand. The account predicts that the stacking of multiple negative morphemes should be possible provided they are separated by intervening levels of structure. We show that this prediction is borne out

Edo copular particles and the PredP hypothesis

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On the gender of proper names

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The ideal husband: on relational generics

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