18 research outputs found
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Contesting the Anti-Coup Norm: ASEAN Responds to the 2021 Myanmar Coup
Since the end of the Cold War, democracies have sought to create a range of normative and international legal standards intended to reduce the frequency and legitimacy of coups. The rise of the anti-coup norm has led to the isolation and punishment of numerous coup-created governments, and evidence suggests it has helped reduce the frequency of coup attempts. However, the norm is contested, and coup leaders often find that the international condemnation they face is countered by quiet acquiescence or active support by international allies. This paper examines the politics of norm contestation around the anti-coup norm by considering the international response to the 2021 coup in Myanmar. It introduces the concept of ânorm waverersâ and illustrates how committed norm promoters and norm resisters often try to persuade norm waverersâin this case exemplified by ASEANâto join their respective camps. International pressure induced ASEAN to make normative commitments. But these commitments ultimately reflected a concern for reputation and credibility, rather than any underlying institutional commitment to the anti-coup norm. The result was a shallow institutionalization of the norm against the legitimacy of coups
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Enabling autocracy? Peacebuilding and post-conflict authoritarianism in the Democratic Republic of Congo
Does peacebuilding shape the regime type of countries where international missions are deployed? Most peacebuilding missions take place in authoritarian contexts, and seek to overcome the legacies of conflict by overseeing transitions to democratic rule; however, most regimes that experience peacebuilding still retain some form of authoritarian rule. In this paper, we examine the extent to which international peacebuilding missions contribute to the consolidation of post-conflict authoritarian regimes even when their stated aims involve the promotion of democracy. We argue that international peacebuilders can act as enablers of authoritarianism in host countries. We distinguish this category of behavior from explicit âautocracy promotion,â which implies intentional support to autocracy. Instead, enabling is often an unintended consequence, and we identify two mechanisms through which enabling occurs: by building the capacity of incumbent authoritarian leaders and by signaling a permissive environment for authoritarian behavior for national actors. We illustrate our argument with the case of the UN peacekeeping operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo
Democratic regime-building
ï»żThis thesis examines democratic transitions that occur in the context of international administration, where international actors not only provide assistance and guidance regarding domestic development, but also hold temporary executive authority over some or all of the functions of government. It argues that the process of regime change in the context of international administration is systematically different from more conventional settings, where such extensive international intervention is absent. The theoretical framework of the thesis suggests that the most significant impact of international administration derives from the fact that external actors assume roles conventionally held by domestic actors, and thus have available to them extensive mechanisms of influence at the domestic level. International agents can favour some local elites over others, structure the political environment through agenda-setting and veto powers, and ultimately bypass local actors if deemed necessary by drafting and imposing laws and institutions. As a result, the presence of international administrators heavily shapes the final mode of transition, and one of the most significant implications of the external influence is that purely non-democratic regime outcomes are unlikely to emerge. However, the influences of international administration are not always positive, and neither are they constant across contexts. The final impact on the transition process itself will depend in large part on the nature of the domestic political landscape, and in particular the balance of power and ideology among the domestic political parties. When domestic elites are favourable to democracy, international administrations can work with local actors to co-author a new democratic regime through a pacted transition. When dominant local parties are opposed to democratic development, however, the international and domestic interaction may contribute to a more conflicrual and contentious mode of transition entailing elements of international imposition. The nature of the transition mode will, in turn, have implications for post-transition regime consolidation. These findings are based on a structured, focused comparison of three cases, those of Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor. In attempting to isolate the international influence, the case studies utilise the process tracing method to identify the causal mechanisms that connect international actions to democratic political outcomes, and the experiences in each case are compared to facilitate the generation of bounded generalisations about the impact of international administration on the processes of regime change.</p
Democratic regime-building: democratisation in the context of international administration
This thesis examines democratic transitions that occur in the context of international administration, where international actors not only provide assistance and guidance regarding domestic development, but also hold temporary executive authority over some or all of the functions of government. It argues that the process of regime change in the context of international administration is systematically different from more conventional settings, where such extensive international intervention is absent. The theoretical framework of the thesis suggests that the most significant impact of international administration derives from the fact that external actors assume roles conventionally held by domestic actors, and thus have available to them extensive mechanisms of influence at the domestic level. International agents can favour some local elites over others, structure the political environment through agenda-setting and veto powers, and ultimately bypass local actors if deemed necessary by drafting and imposing laws and institutions. As a result, the presence of international administrators heavily shapes the final mode of transition, and one of the most significant implications of the external influence is that purely non-democratic regime outcomes are unlikely to emerge. However, the influences of international administration are not always positive, and neither are they constant across contexts. The final impact on the transition process itself will depend in large part on the nature of the domestic political landscape, and in particular the balance of power and ideology among the domestic political parties. When domestic elites are favourable to democracy, international administrations can work with local actors to co-author a new democratic regime through a pacted transition. When dominant local parties are opposed to democratic development, however, the international and domestic interaction may contribute to a more conflicrual and contentious mode of transition entailing elements of international imposition. The nature of the transition mode will, in turn, have implications for post-transition regime consolidation. These findings are based on a structured, focused comparison of three cases, those of Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor. In attempting to isolate the international influence, the case studies utilise the process tracing method to identify the causal mechanisms that connect international actions to democratic political outcomes, and the experiences in each case are compared to facilitate the generation of bounded generalisations about the impact of international administration on the processes of regime change
Recommended from our members
Contesting the Anti-Coup Norm: ASEAN Responds to the 2021 Myanmar Coup
Since the end of the Cold War, democracies have sought to create a range of normative and international legal standards intended to reduce the frequency and legitimacy of coups. The rise of the anti-coup norm has led to the isolation and punishment of numerous coup-created governments, and evidence suggests it has helped reduce the frequency of coup attempts. However, the norm is contested, and coup leaders often find that the international condemnation they face is countered by quiet acquiescence or active support by international allies. This paper examines the politics of norm contestation around the anti-coup norm by considering the international response to the 2021 coup in Myanmar. It introduces the concept of ânorm waverersâ and illustrates how committed norm promoters and norm resisters often try to persuade norm waverersâin this case exemplified by ASEANâto join their respective camps. International pressure induced ASEAN to make normative commitments. But these commitments ultimately reflected a concern for reputation and credibility, rather than any underlying institutional commitment to the anti-coup norm. The result was a shallow institutionalization of the norm against the legitimacy of coups