Maruyama Masao : mythe et réalités du « champion de la démocratie de l’après-guerre »

Au cours des années 1946-1951, Maruyama signa ses textes les plus engagés politiquement. Jeune érudit qui venait d’être rapatrié au Japon, il gagna un large soutien parmi ses lecteurs qui avaient été eux-mêmes mobilisés, bien qu’il n’ait jamais eu l’influence des intellectuels connus depuis plus longtemps. Il se retira du débat public après 1952 pour cause de maladie pour se consacrer au travail académique, à l’exception d’une courte période autour de 1960 lors du renouvellement du traité de sécurité nippo-américain. À cette époque, les déclarations fragmentaires de Maruyama connurent un écho particulier, et les recueils de ses premiers articles devinrent des bestsellers. C’est ainsi qu’il acquit la réputation, un peu éloignée de la réalité, d’intellectuel représentatif de la démocratie d’après-guerre. Depuis, la légende de Maruyama a fait l’objet d’éloges ou de critiques, qui dépassent ses intentions initiales. En suivant une approche empruntée à la sociologie de la connaissance, cet article vise à examiner l’engagement politique chez l’intellectuel.1946年から1951年にかけて、丸山眞男は、積極的に政治的な論文を執筆した。当時の彼は、30代前半の帰還兵の学者で、戦争を兵士として経験した若い読者から強い支持を得た。しかし当時の丸山は、より年長で権威があった知識人たちに比べて、影響力が大きな存在ではなかった。1952年以後の彼は病気のため活動を停止し、1960年の新安保条約反対運動の時期を例外として、アカデミックな研究に専念した。それにもかかわらず、敗戦直後の若い読者たちが社会やメディアの中核となった1960年代になって、丸山の断片的な発言は大きな注目を集めるようになり、敗戦直後の論文を集めた本がベストセラーになった。こうして丸山は、戦後民主主義の代表的知識人という、実態とはやや乖離のある評価を確立した。その後は「丸山真男」という神話は、現実の丸山自身の意図をこえて、賞賛と批判の対象になっていった。本論考では、こうした知識社会学のアプローチから、知識人の政治参加と、その社会的な認知を考察する。Maruyama Masao wrote his most politically engaged texts between 1946 and 1951. Then a 30-year-old scholar and recently returned soldier, he was popular with readers who had also fought in the war. Yet he never enjoyed the same level of influence as his more experienced peers in the intellectual community. He retired from the public debate in 1952 due to ill health and, except for a short period around 1960 when a new Japan-United States security treaty was signed, devoted himself to academic pursuits. Maruyama’s fragmentary statements were widely reported and collections of his writings became bestsellers. He came to be seen, somewhat erroneously, as the representative thinker of Japan’s postwar democracy. Ever since, the Maruyama legend has been the focus of both criticism and praise, going beyond his original intentions. Using an approach borrowed from the sociology of knowledge, this paper seeks to examine the issues of social cognition and political engagement in his work

Assimilation—On (Not) Turning White: Memory and the Narration of the Postwar History of Japanese Canadians in Southern Alberta

This essay explores understandings of “race” – specifically, what it means to be Japanese – of nisei (“second generation”) individuals who acknowledge their near complete assimilation structurally and normatively into the Canadian mainstream. In historically-contextualized analyses of memory fragments from oral-history interviews conducted between 2011-2017, it focusses on voices and experiences of southern Alberta, an area whose significance to local, national, continental, and trans-Pacific histories of people of Japanese descent is belied by a lack of dedicated scholarly attention. In this light, this essay reveals how the fact of being Japanese in the latter half of the twentieth century was strategically central to nisei lives as individuals and in their communities. In imagining a racial hierarchy whose apex they knew they could never share with the hakujin (whites), the racial heritage they nevertheless inherited and would bequeath could be so potent as to reverse the direction of the colonial gaze with empowering effects in individual engagements then and as remembered now. We see how the narration and validation of one’s life is the navigation of wider historical contexts, the shaping of the post-colonial legacy of Imperial cultures, as Britain and Japan withdrew from their erstwhile colonial projects in Canada

The Other "Post-1968": A Socio-Historical Analysis of the Resurgence of the Conservatives in Japan's Long 1960s

Economic growth in the 1960s prompted a massive internal migration from provincial to metropolitan areas in Japan. This migration and urbanisation led to the rise of social movements and a decline in the percentage of votes for the ruling conservative LDP party. In response, the government introduced an industrial dispersal policy, shifting factories from metropolitan to provincial areas. Additionally, in 1971, the government started the "Model Community Project", which strengthened local resident organisations that cooperated with local administrations and the conservative party. This reorganisation of the citizenry became the social background for the containment of social movements and the conservative resurgence of politics. This combinationof industry dispersion and reorganisation of the citizenry, resulting in the conservative resurgence, characterised "the long 1960s" in Japan

Return from Siberia : a Japanese life in war and peace, 1925-2015

xviii,320halaman;biografi;ilustras

Nobody Dies in a Ghost Town: Path Dependence in Japan's 3.11 Disaster and Reconstruction

The Asia-Pacific Journal11441-2

Les Frontières du Japon moderne

This contribution is aimed to understand the way Japan has subdued the neighbouring territories of the archipelago during the modern period, and how these territories were assimilated or not to Japan as home country. With the growing western colonialist pressure, Japan has created an empire at the same time it was building a nation state. This special timing has introduced some peculiarities in the way Japan has controled the territories it subdued or colonialized. Depending on periods and influence of lobbies at the heart of state, Japan has tried at the same time to assimilate the people of subdued countries or to discriminate them. This ambiguous attitude which depends also on the building of a scientific or ideological legitimacy, explains Japanese politics against colonialized countries and also the representations of boundaries itself in Japanese ideology.Cet article a pour objet d'étudier la manière dont le Japon s'est emparé des territoires voisins à l'époque moderne et à quel point il les assimilés. Dans un contexte de pression colonialiste occidentale, le Japon se constitue un empire en même temps qu'il met en place un État-nation moderne. Cette simultanéité dans le processus introduit des particularités dans le contrôle des territoires qu'il annexe ou colonise. Selon les périodes et en fonction des groupes de pression qui se manifestent au sein de l'État, le pays cherche soit a assimiler les populations soumises, soit les discrimine. De cette attitude qui, parfois, s'appuie sur la science pour légitimer les pratiques, dépend les politiques vis-à-vis des colonisés ainsi que tes representations de la Frontière.Oguma Eiji, Souyri Pierre François. Les Frontières du Japon moderne. In: Ebisu, n°30, 2003. pp. 155-177