1,499 research outputs found

    Know Your Borrower: The Four Need Cases of Small-Dollar Credit Consumers

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    Every year, an estimated 15 million people access small-dollar credit (SDC) products- like payday loans, pawn loans, auto title loans, deposit advance loans, and more. CFSI explores the reasons why consumers turn to these potentially high cost products in this latest report. The study, supported by funding from the Ford Foundation, identifies four primary consumer need cases in the SDC market, each representing a distinct borrower profile and different uses of small-dollar credit. The need cases are:Unexpected Expense borrowers tend to access credit infrequently for relatively larger expenses related to an unexpected or emergency event, such as a car repair.Misaligned Cash Flow borrowers take out smaller amounts somewhat frequently to pay bills and meet regular household expenses when their income and expenses are mistimed.Exceeding Income borrowers' expenses regularly exceed their income and these consumers tend to be among the most frequent users of credit, accessing small amounts for everyday expenses.Planned Purchase borrowers are a smaller but important niche group of users in the SDC market who make a relatively large, planned purchase, commonly related to a personal asset.These need cases were determined through analysis of a panel survey of more than 1,100 SDC borrowers and 31 in-depth interviews with SDC customers. They provide a new framework for exploring the challenge of when and how to responsibly extend small-dollar credit. The findings also suggest potential opportunities for the development of high-quality products, highlighting the importance of product differentiation and underwriting

    Essential Health Benefits and the Affordable Care Act: Law and Process

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    Starting in 2014, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) will require private insurance plans sold in the individual and small-group markets to cover a roster of essential health benefits. Precisely which benefits should count as essential, however, was left to the discretion of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). The matter was both important and controversial. Nonetheless, HHS announced its policy by posting on the Internet a thirteen-page bulletin stating that it would allow each state to define essential benefits for itself. On both substance and procedure, the move was surprising. The state-by-state approach departed from the uniform, federal standard that the ACA appears to anticipate and that informed observers expected HHS to adopt. And announcing the policy through an Internet bulletin appeared to allow HHS to side- step traditional administrative procedures, including notice and comment, immediate review in the courts, and White House oversight. This article explores two questions. First, is the state-by-state approach a lawful exercise of HHS’s authority? Second, did HHS in fact evade the procedural obligations that are meant to shape the exercise of its discretion

    Essential Health Benefits and the Affordable Care Act: Law and Process

    Get PDF
    Starting in 2014, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) will require private insurance plans sold in the individual and small-group markets to cover a roster of essential health benefits. Precisely which benefits should count as essential, however, was left to the discretion of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). The matter was both important and controversial. Nonetheless, HHS announced its policy by posting on the Internet a thirteen-page bulletin stating that it would allow each state to define essential benefits for itself. On both substance and procedure, the move was surprising. The state-by-state approach departed from the uniform, federal standard that the ACA appears to anticipate and that informed observers expected HHS to adopt. And announcing the policy through an Internet bulletin appeared to allow HHS to side- step traditional administrative procedures, including notice and comment, immediate review in the courts, and White House oversight. This article explores two questions. First, is the state-by-state approach a lawful exercise of HHS’s authority? Second, did HHS in fact evade the procedural obligations that are meant to shape the exercise of its discretion

    Essential Health Benefits and the Affordable Care Act: Law and Process

    Get PDF
    Beginning in 2014, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) will require private insurance plans sold in the individual and small-group markets to cover a roster of “essential health benefits.” Precisely which benefits should count as essential, however, was left to the discretion of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS). The matter was both important and controversial. HHS nonetheless announced its policy on essential health benefits by posting on its website a 13-page bulletin stating that it would allow each state to define essential benefits for itself by choosing a “benchmark” plan modeled on existing plans in the state. On both substance and procedure, the move was surprising. The benchmark approach departed from the uniform, federal standard that the statute appears to anticipate and that many informed observers expected HHS to adopt. And announcing the policy thorough an internet bulletin arguably allowed HHS to sidestep orthodox administrative procedures, including notice and comment, White House review, and preenforcement review in the courts. What are we to make of this? This chapter explores two questions. First, is the benchmark approach a lawful exercise of HHS’s authority under the ACA? Although HHS may have brushed up against the limits of its discretionary authority, we conclude that the approach likely will (and, in our view, should) be upheld in the event of a challenge. Second, did HHS’s announcement of the benchmark approach through an internet bulletin allow the agency to avoid the very administrative procedures that typically serve to constrain the exercise of agency discretion? The answer here is a flat no. The agency’s adroit use of guidance documents instead resulted in a process that was more open to public scrutiny and external oversight than conventional rulemaking would have been

    Pre-Mesozoic Palinspastic Reconstruction of the Eastern Great Basin (Western United States)

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    The Great Basin of the western United States has proven important for studies of Proterozoic and Paleozoic geology [2500 to 245 million years ago (Ma)] and has been central to the development of ideas about the mechanics of crustal shortening and extension. An understanding of the deformational history of this region during Mesozoic and Cenozoic time (245 Ma to the present) is required for palinspastic reconstruction of now isolated exposures of older geology in order to place these in an appropriate regional geographic context. Considerable advances in unraveling both the crustal shortening that took place during Mesozoic to early Cenozoic time (especially from about 150 to 50 Ma) and the extension of the past 37 million years have shown that earlier reconstructions need to be revised significantly. A new reconstruction is developed for rocks of middle Proterozoic to Early Cambrian age based on evidence that total shortening by generally east-vergent thrusts and folds was at least 104 to 135 kilometers and that the Great Basin as a whole accommodated ∌250 kilometers of extension in the direction 287° ± 12° between the Colorado Plateau and the Sierra Nevada. Extension is assumed to be equivalent at all latitudes because available paleomagnetic evidence suggests that the Sierra Nevada experienced little or no rotation with respect to the extension direction since the late Mesozoic. An estimate of the uncertainty in the amount of extension obtained from geological and paleomagnetic uncertainties increases northward from ±56 kilometers at 36°30N to -87+108 kilometers at 40°N. On the basis of the reconstruction, the original width of the preserved part of the late Proterozoic and Early Cambrian basin was about 150 to 300 kilometers, about 60 percent of the present width, and the basin was oriented slightly more north-south with respect to present-day coordinates

    What\u27s Left of the Affordable Care Act?

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    We assess the progress of the Affordable Care Act a decade after it became law. Although most of it remains intact, some parts have been repealed and others have not been implemented as expected. We review how and why the law has aged. Legal challenges have done less damage than is commonly appreciated, with the exception of the Supreme Court case that thwarted full expansion of Medicaid. Most of the important changes have other sources. Some parts were born to fail. Others were dismantled in response to interest-group pressure. Still others have failed to thrive for any number of reasons. Finally, the sabotage campaign by the Trump administration has had modest effects so far, but could pose a serious threat in the coming years

    Reform at Risk — Mandating Participation in Alternative Payment Plans

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    In an ambitious effort to slow the growth of health care costs, the Affordable Care Act created the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation (CMMI) and armed it with broad authority to test new approaches to reimbursement for health care (payment models) and delivery-system reforms. CMMI was meant to be the government’s innovation laboratory for health care: an entity with the independence to break with past practices and the power to experiment with bold new approaches. Over the past year, however, the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) has quietly hobbled CMMI, imperiling its ability to generate meaningful data on strategies for reducing spending on Medicare and Medicaid
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