Der diskrete Charme der Bourgeoisie - Ein Beitrag zur Soziologie des modernen Wirtschaftsbürgertums

Entgegen der These der Auflösungserscheinungen des Bürgertums stellt der Autor die Annahme auf den Prüfstand, dass wir es nach wie vor mit gesellschaftlichen Fraktionierungen bürgerlicher Lebensweisen zu tun haben. Am Beispiel autobiographischer Schriften von deutschen Topmanagern stellt der Text ein modernes Verständnis des Wirtschaftsbürgertums vor, das organisational (durch die Karrieremechanismen der Organisation) und institutionell (im Feld der Wirtschaft) verankert ist. Die moderne Sozialformation des Wirtschaftsbürgertums ist nur noch auf der Grundlage von Organisationen denkbar. Sie lässt sich, jenseits von Klasse und Stand, als Positionselite beschreiben. Anhand der Autobiographien lässt sich die Reproduktion dieser Elite auf Basis einer engen Verknüpfung zwischen familialer Herkunft, an organisationale Karrieren gebundene Leistungsbereitschaft und hoher formaler Bildung nachzeichnen. Die Abgrenzung in der Statusreproduktion zwischen Bildungs- und Wirtschaftsbürgertum weist der Autor am jeweiligen Verhältnis zur Bildung nach; zwar können beide einen hohen Bildungsgrad in Form von Bildungspatenten nachweisen, doch im Falle des Wirtschaftsbürgertums herrscht ein instrumentelles Verhältnis zur Bildung vor. Der hohe Bildungsgrad folgt hier dem Bedürfnis, den Status mittels formaler Bildung abzusichern und damit die Gefahr der eigenen Austauschbarkeit - als Personal der Organisation - zu kompensieren. Der Text macht außerdem generationale Effekte sichtbar; insbesondere indem er darlegt, inwieweit der "moderne Manager" einerseits in der Betonung seines Status seinen Vorgängern gleicht und sich doch gleichzeitig in der Art der Unternehmensführung abgrenzt - indem er bspw. die Managementkonzepte seiner Zeit aufgreift

The frontiers of participatory public engagement

Currently missing from critical literature on public engagement with academic research is a public-centric analysis of the wider contemporary context of developments in the field of public engagement and participation. Drawing on three differently useful strands of the existing theoretical literature on the public, this article compares a diverse sample of 100 participatory public engagement initiatives in order to first, analyse a selection of the myriad ways that the public is being constituted and supported across this contemporary field and second, identify what socio-cultural researchers might learn from these developments. Emerging from this research is a preliminary map of the field of public engagement and participation. This map highlights relationships and divergences that exist among diverse forms of practice and brings into clearer view a set of tensions between different contemporary approaches to public engagement and participation. Two ‘frontiers’ of participatory public engagement that socio-cultural researchers should attend are also identified. At the first, scholars need to be critical regarding the particular versions of the public that their preferred approach to engagement and participation supports and concerning how their specific identifications with the public relate to those being addressed across the wider field. At the second frontier, researchers need to consider the possibilities for political intervention that public engagement and participation practice could open out, both in the settings they are already working and also in the much broader, rapidly developing and increasingly complicated contemporary field of public engagement and participation that this article explores

Highgate Cemetery heterotopia: A Creative Counterpublic Space

Highgate Cemetery is nominally presented as a heterotopia, constructed, and theorized through the articulation of three “spaces.” First, it is configured as a public space which organizes the individual and the social, where the management of death creates a relationship between external space and its internal conceptualization. This reveals, enables, and disturbs the sociocultural and political imagination which helps order and disrupt thinking. Second, it is conceived as a creative space where cemetery texts emplace and materialize memory that mirrors the cultural capital of those interred, part of an urban aesthetic which articulates the distinction of the metropolitan elite. Last, it is a celebritized counterpublic space that expresses dissent, testimony to those who have actively imagined a better world, which is epitomized by the Marx Memorial. Representation of the cemetery is ambiguous as it is recuperated and framed by the living with the three different “spaces” offering heterotopic alliances

Mediating Solidarity

With the apparent increase in the number of alternative political media, political pluralists are again faced with the question: does the proliferation of subaltern counter-publics lead to a multiplication of forces? Fragmentation in political culture is fuelled by the rise of identity politics that focuses on consumption not production. Party allegiances and class alliances give way to more fluid and informal networks of action. Postmodern theorists celebrate fragmentation because it allows the recognition of diversity in political desires, acknowledges difference between individuals and debunks the myth of homogenous political units leading ultimately to liberation. But for political efficacy there must be more than the apparent freedom that comes with embracing difference and diversity. This article argues that if we accept the description of society as fragmented, in order to create a viable political community then solidarity is crucial. In a global economy, solidarity can be mediated through new communication technologies but the challenge is to articulate the politics online with actual movements and struggles on the ground

Expressive free speech, the state, and the public sphere: A Bakhtinian–Deleuzian analysis of ‘public address’ at Hyde Park

This is the author's accepted manuscript. The final published article is available from the link below. Copyright @ 2008 Taylor & Francis.In this paper I explore how struggles around free speech between social movements and the state are often underpinned by a deeper struggle around expressive images of what counts as either ‘decent’ or ‘indecent’ discussion. These points are developed by exploring what is arguably the most famous populist place for free speech in Britain, namely Hyde Park. In 1872 the state introduced the Parks Regulation Act in order to regulate, amongst other things, populist uses of free speech at Hyde Park. However, although the 1872 Act designated a site in Hyde Park for public meetings, it did not mention ‘free speech’. Rather, the 1872 Act legally enforced the liberty to make a ‘public address’ and this was implicitly contrasted by the state of an expressive image of ‘indecent’ speakers exercising their ‘right’ of free speech at Hyde Park. Once constructed, the humiliating image of ‘indecent’ free speech could then be used by the state to regulate actual utterances of public speakers at Hyde Park. But the paper shows how in the years immediately following 1872 a battle was fought out in Hyde Park over the expressive image of public address between the state and regulars using Hyde Park as a public sphere to exercise free speech. For its part the state had to engage in meaningful deliberative forms of discussion within its own regulatory framework and with the public sphere at Hyde Park in order to maintain the legal form, content and expression of the 1872 Act. To draw out the implications of these points I employ some of the theoretical ideas of the Bakhtin Circle and Gilles Deleuze. Each set of thinkers in their own way make valuable contributions for understanding the relationship between the state, public sphere and expressive images

Gewalt in der Schule

Vortrag auf der Tagung Bindung, Trauma und soziale Gewalt , 3.-5.12.2004 in Frankfurt am Main