Drifting Apart? European Journalists and Their Audiences

How do the current technological changes and socio-political developments impact on the relationship between European journalists and their audiences? This article draws on selected findings from a larger research project conducted in eleven European countries. Focusing on European journalists’ understanding of their audiences, the paper suggests that in many European countries digital technologies and increased competition play a significant role in the changing relationship between journalists and their audiences. The literature reviews undertaken in the eleven European countries indicate that the relationship between journalists/media professionals and their audiences has undergone significant changes. While the interviewed journalists are alert to a shift towards journalistic practices and formats which permit certain forms of audience participation, many of them sense an increasing disconnection from the public and severe mistrust by citizens; which crucially impacts on their relationship with audiences

An elusive European public sphere: the role of shared journalistic cultures

No description supplie

Hungarian media policy 2010 – 2018: the illiberal shift

The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s governments have abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process. The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s government has abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process. The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s government has abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process.Kapitola analyzuje změny v mediální politice Maďarska v letech 2010 – 2018 v kontextu celkového posunu v přístupu vlády ke konceptu liberální demokracie. V oblasti mediálního vlastnictví a širšího regulačního rámce vlády Viktora Orbána upustily od normativních ideálů, které charakterizují role médií v liberálních demokraciích: veřejná sféra, hlídací pes demokracie atd. Kapitola popisuje změny, které vedly k rostoucí vládní kontrole nad médii veřejné služby a médii v soukromém vlastnictví, mezi jiným pojednáva o legislativních změnách, o kolonizaci médií politickými stranami, o propagandě a také o projevech nenávisti v politické komunikaci

Peripheral news workers expelled to the periphery: the case of camera reporters

The professionals behind television cameras are peripheral contributors to journalism who are often overlooked in journalistic research in contrast with co-workers who occupy clearly demarcated journalistic roles. In this article we use the term camera reporters rather than the more frequently used terms such as cameramen or camera operators as we argue that these professionals are part of the journalistic field and their job titles in themselves question their belonging to this field. The aim of our article is to focus on the role of camera reporters as peripheral actors in the news production process – in this respect we address their journalistic culture, identity, autonomy, and practice – and to understand their role not only in the context of boundary work within journalism but perhaps even more importantly in relation to changes brought about by the move of a television studio from the city centre to a residential suburb. The relocation provides a rare opportunity to study camera reporters in their work places and spaces at a time of disruption and adjustment. Our case study is based in a Czech television studio where we have conducted interviews with camera reporters and news reporters. Our findings are in line with other research on peripheral news workers and illustrate complex issues in the professional standing of camera reporters

Language Choice In A Bilingual Environment: Media And Family Influences On Southern Slovakian Children

The Slovak Republic appeared on the map of Europe on Januaiy 1, 1993. In rhetoric and regulations the Slovak government led by Prime Minister Vladimir Meciar (in power between 1993 and 1998) began a deliberate and programmatic establishing of Slovak national identity as homogeneous and stable to the detriment of ethnic minorities that constitute fourteen per cent of Slovakia's five million inhabitants. I argue that an ethnic-linguistic understanding of nation involves a number of levels, such as legal, political, social and cultural and process like re-writing of history, invention of tradition together with psychic influences, for example in the form of identification with the Leader: I demonstrate that language is a key component of identity and a field in which power is contested. This is exemplified for example by attempts at regulating the use of minority languages in public; in the Slovak case a language law was passed in 1995 that prevents minorities from using their languages in dealing with state administration and public institutions. Intervention in language use is particularly alarming because it can lead to the effective disappearance of a language/s. I conducted a study in the largely bilingual (Slovak-Hungarian) area of southern Slovakia that explores children’s language choice in relation to television viewing and sheds light on the complexities of ethnic identities in contemporary Slovakia. The sample included Slovak, Hungarian as well as bilingual/biethnic children. The findings suggest that ethnic Hungarian children educated in Hungarian and living in monoethnic/monolingual households associate themselves more strongly with the Hungarian ethnic group than their counterparts educated, in Slovak and/or living in biethnic/bilingual households. Children, however, show awareness of both the local realities of their lives as well as larger global influences in relation to language choice as well as television programmes

Bridge guard: transnational artists, national populist politics, and cross-border interethnic relationships

This article concentrates on an artist-in-residence project that is linked to the Mária Valéria Bridge on the border between Slovakia and Hungary. The article traces the history of the bridge and of the ethnically mixed populations living on the opposite sides of the Danube River that the bridge connects in order to suggest the complexity of the cross-border relationships in this particular corner of Europe. In more recent decades relationships between Hungarians and Slovaks have been influenced by national populist politics exercised on both sides of the Danube after the fall of communism in the late 1980s. The consequence of such politics is a narrow understanding of “national” interests and “national” culture that prevents a more open, more cosmopolitan approach to the relationship among the ethnic groups living in the area. The longawaited and often delayed rebuilding of the Mária Valéria Bridge is symbolic of the shortcomings of the “national container” approach. A more cosmopolitan outlook is opened up by a transnational artistic project that is—perhaps not surprisingly— largely ignored by cultural and political elites in Slovakia and in Hungary. Bridge Guard was launched in 2004 and continues to attract artists from around the world whose art works are intended to “build virtual bridges to protect the real bridge.

New media, old inequalities: technological fixes, national containers, and the Roma

No description supplie

Diversity and the media

Diversity and the Media opens with an exploration of diversity in relation to the normative frameworks of media and democracy and multiculturalism. It then moves on to offer more tangible conceptualizations of diversity at the level of audiences, media workforce and outlets and media contents. Throughout, the book focuses on media regulation in democratic societies, it discusses how different understandings of diversity are reflected in rationales and approaches that inform media regulation. The book draws on a range of current and historical examples mainly from the US and the UK although other European countries – including new European Union member states – are also discussed. Diversity and the Media is characterized by an interdisciplinary outlook, however, it draws mainly on approaches and research associated with political economy of media, political communication, media economics and critical media industry studies

Drifting apart? European journalists and their audiences

How do the current technological changes and socio political developments impact on the relationship between European journalists and their audiences? This article draws on selected findings from a larger research project conducted in eleven European countries. Focusing on European journalists’ understanding of their audiences, the paper suggests that in many European countries digital technologies and increased competition play a significant role in the changing relationship between journalists and their audiences. The literature reviews undertaken in the eleven European countries indicate that the relationship between journalists/media professionals and their audiences has undergone significant changes. While the interviewed journalists are alert to a shift towards journalistic practices and formats which permit certain forms of audience participation, many of them sense an increasing disconnection from the public and severe mistrust by citizens; which crucially impacts on their relationship with audiences