The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s governments have abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process. The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s government has abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process. The chapter discusses developments of Hungarian media policy in the years 2010 to 2018 in the context of an overall shift in the Hungarian government’s understanding of democracy. In terms of Hungarian media regulation and ownership, Viktor Orbán’s government has abandoned policy making that is traditionally associated with normative ideals of the media in democratic countries such as the public sphere, the fourth estate, the watchdog etc. This chapter outlines developments – legislative as well as broader ones such as the party colonization of the media, the re-emergence of “old style” propaganda, the spread of hate speech in political communication – that have contributed to the Hungarian government’s control of public service and commercial media. The chapter argues that while none of the government’s practices are illegal (they are in line with legislation passed by the Hungarian Parliament in which government MPs have a two-third majority), they are nonetheless detrimental in terms of the democratic roles of media and the broader policy making process.Kapitola analyzuje změny v mediální politice Maďarska v letech 2010 – 2018 v kontextu celkového posunu v přístupu vlády ke konceptu liberální demokracie. V oblasti mediálního vlastnictví a širšího regulačního rámce vlády Viktora Orbána upustily od normativních ideálů, které charakterizují role médií v liberálních demokraciích: veřejná sféra, hlídací pes demokracie atd. Kapitola popisuje změny, které vedly k rostoucí vládní kontrole nad médii veřejné služby a médii v soukromém vlastnictví, mezi jiným pojednáva o legislativních změnách, o kolonizaci médií politickými stranami, o propagandě a také o projevech nenávisti v politické komunikaci
