The Fragile Families and Child Well-Being Study: Questions, Design, and a Few Preliminary Results

Nonmarital childbearing is important because it is increasing and because there is concern (and some evidence) that it is damaging to children and perhaps parents as well. We refer to the unions of unwed parents as fragile families because they are similar to traditional families in many respects, but more vulnerable. Most people believe that children in fragile families would be better off if their parents lived together and their fathers were more involved in their upbringing. Indeed, public policy is now attempting to enlarge the role of unwed fathers both by cutting public cash support for single mothers and by strengthening paternity establishment and child support enforcement. Yet the scientific basis for these policies is weak. We know very little about the men who father children outside marriage, and we know even less about the nature of their relationships with their children and their children’s mothers. The Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (FFS) is designed to remedy this situation by following a new birth cohort of approximately 4,700 children, including 3,600 children born to unmarried parents. The new data will be representative of nonmarital births in each of 20 cities and in U.S. cities with populations over 200,000. Both mothers and fathers will be followed for at least 4 years, and in-home assessments of children’s heath and development will be carried out when the child is 4 years old. The survey is designed to address the following questions: (1) What are the conditions and capabilities of new unwed parents, especially fathers? (2) What is the nature of the relationships in fragile families? (3) What factors push new unwed parents together and what factors pull them apart? In particular, how do labor markets, welfare, and child support public policies affect family formation? (4) How do children fare in fragile families and how is their well-being affected by parental capacities and relationships, and by public policies? The paper discusses what we know about each of these questions and how the FFS addresses each of them. It also presents preliminary findings based on data from Austin, Texas, and Oakland, California.

Child Wellbeing in Two-Parent Families: How Do Characteristics and Relationships Matter?

We use data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study to examine the role of individual and family characteristics, as well as mother-father and parent-child relationships, with regard to differences in wellbeing for children living with their biological mother and either their biological father or a social father. We find that accounting for these factors produces a large decrease in the association between two-parent family type and cognitive skills, but does little to explain the association between family type and externalizing behavior problems, given suppressor effects of several of the father characteristics and relationship measures. Furthermore, results from Blinder-Oaxaca decompositions suggest that differences in cognitive skills can largely be explained by differences in the characteristics and behaviors of the individuals comprising biological- and social-father families, whereas differences in externalizing behavior problems predominantly reflect differences in returns to (effects of) these characteristics and behaviors for children in the two family types.parents, children, relationships, welfare, wellbeing, martial status

Fathers in Fragile Families

Nonmarital childbearing has increased dramatically in the U.S. since the early 1960s, rising from 6% of all births in 1960 to fully 40% in 2007 (Hamilton, Martin, & Ventura, 2009; Ventura & Bachrach, 2000). Whereas similar trends have occurred in many developed nations, the U.S. stands out in the extent to which such births are associated with socioeconomic disadvantage and relationship instability, giving rise to a new term ‘fragile families.’ The increase in fragile families reflects changes not only in the context of births but also in the fundamental nature and patterns of childrearing, particularly with respect to fathers’ roles and involvement with children.Fragile families, childbearing, nonmarital childbearing, fartherhood, fathers

DOES MOTHER KNOW BEST?: A COMPARISON OF BIOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL FATHERS AFTER A NONMARITAL BIRTH

High rates of nonmarital childbearing combined with high rates of instability and repartnering in nonmarital relationships portend that a large proportion of children born to unmarried mothers can expect to spend time with a ‘social father.’ This paper uses data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study to examine the prevalence and characteristics of social fathers during the first three years following a nonmarital birth. The results indicate that 22% of unmarried mothers have formed new partnerships by the time their child is age three, and 12% are living with their new partners. The results also indicate that re-partnering represents a gain for most mothers and children in terms of fathers’ human capital and pro-social behavior. Our findings are consistent with the idea that unmarried mothers continue to search for ‘good fathers’ after their children are born and that many of these women are successful in their search.

Unmarried Fathers’ Earnings Trajectories: Does Partnership Status Matter?

Married men earn more than unmarried men. Previous research suggests that marriage itself causes some of the difference, but includes few men who fathered children out of wedlock. This paper asks whether increasing marriage (and possibly cohabitation) following a non-marital birth is likely to increase fathers’ earnings and labor supply. The analyses are based on a new birth cohort study the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study which follows unmarried parents for the first five years after their child’s birth. Results provide some support for the idea that increasing marriage will lead to increased fathers’ earnings.Cohabitation, marriage, income, men, males, earnings, income, children

Couples as Partners and Parents over Children’s Early Years

We use data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study to examine couple how couple relationship quality and parental engagement are linked over children’s early years. Our sample includes 1,630 couples that are co-resident over years 1 to 3 and 1,376 over years 3 to 5 (1,196 over both periods). Overall, we find that better relationship quality predicts greater parental engagement for both mothers and fathers—especially from children’s infant to toddler years; we find little evidence that parenting predicts future relationship quality. Married and cohabiting couples are generally similar in how relationship quality and parenting are linked. When couples are having their first birth, relationship quality is more strongly tied to parental engagement for fathers (but not mothers).Couple relationship quality, parenting, fragile families

Partnership Instability and Child Wellbeing during the Transition to Elementary School

Data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (N = 2,957) are used to examine partnership instability and children’s wellbeing during the transition to elementary school. We find that coresidential transitions are related to externalizing, attention, and social problems. Mothers’ mental health and use of harsh parenting partially mediate the associations between coresidential transitions and child outcomes at age five. The impact of coresidential transitions on externalizing, attention, and social problems is stronger for boys than girls. Also, non-coresidential transitions predict externalizing and attention problems for White children but not for Hispanic children. Finally, the association between coresidential transitions and verbal ability is stronger for children with highly educated mothers than for children of less educated mothers.

Adolescent Relationship Quality: Is There an Intergenerational Link?

Objective:This study examines intergenerational continuities in relationship instability, general relationship quality, and intimate partner violence (IPV) between mothers and adolescents. Background:A growing body of literature has observed similarities in relationship quality between parents and their adult offspring. Less attention has focused on whether intergenerational continuities are present in adolescent relationships. Method:Using age 3, 5, 9, and 15 data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing birth cohort study (N=3,162), the authors examined associations between maternal reports of relationship instability, general quality, and IPV in early and middle childhood and similar adolescent reports at age 15. Variations based on timing and persistence of exposures were considered. Results:In general, exposures to low-quality maternal relationships were associated with higher risk of forming adolescent partnerships and lower relationship quality. Intergenerational links in quality were predominantly construct-specific, consistent with observational learning processes. Adolescents exposed to maternal relationships of poor general quality in middle childhood were less likely to report high-quality relationships themselves, and those exposed to any maternal physical IPV victimization during childhood were more likely to perpetrate IPV in their own relationships. Exposure to maternal relationship instability in both early and middle childhood was associated with more adolescent romantic partners. Conclusion:The study illuminates additional pathways through which healthy and unhealthy relationships are reproduced across generations

Unmarried fathers' earnings trajectories: does partnership status matter?

Married men earn more than unmarried men. Previous research suggests that marriage itself "causes" some of the difference, but includes few men who fathered children out of wedlock. This paper asks whether increasing marriage (and possibly cohabitation) following a non-marital birth is likely to increase fathers' earnings and labor supply. The analyses are based on a new birth cohort study—the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study—which follows unmarried parents for the first five years after their child's birth. Results provide some support for the idea that increasing marriage will lead to increase

Poverty and Parenthood across Modern Nations: Findings from the Luxembourg Income Study

All modern societies face the issue of how to best support its children when labor and capital markets fail to produce adequate levels of income for their parents. Public and private means of economic and social support are mixed in rich nations to provide for both a minimally adequate level of economic and social support for families with children, and an equal opportunity for economic and social success amongst all children in the society. If we accept these goals, we might then measure failure to achieve the first outcome (adequacy) by the child poverty rate, and progress toward the second goal (equal opportunity) by the narrowness of the spread in incomes between the rich and poor in any a society. However, not all nations equally achieve these goals. If we create such measures as this, previous research has established that the United States has both the highest child poverty rate (20 percent or more) and the widest economic distance from poor to rich children of any modern (OECD) society. Others have published repeatedly on the high economic and social costs of child poverty in the United States and its social consequences. In fact, this disturbing outcome has provoked us to begin a set of wider and more complete studies designed to isolate the factors which produce poor child outcomes in the United States in comparison to those found in other nations. This paper is the second in a series of three related papers which try to examine why we find this outcome. The general rubric under which we are operating is termed 'the cost of children.' The rest of this introductory section of the paper discusses this project, the findings of our first paper on differences in poverty amongst men and women, and subsequent papers to follow. The second part of the paper presents our thoughts on the piece of the puzzle which we address here: the economic situation of parents and the poverty cost of parenthood. Next we discuss our definitions, data and methods (section III), results (section IV) and finally a summary discussion and conclusions (section V)