Methamphetamine and Viagra Use: Relationship to Sexual Risk Behaviors

Recent studies show that Viagra and methamphetamine use are associated with unprotected anal intercourse among men who have sex with men (MSM). In Long Beach, California, we have reported on an association between Viagra use and the use of amphetamines during sex. The current research investigated the use of both Viagra and amphetamine in men in Long Beach, California. Data on 1,839 men recruited into HIV prevention and testing programs were collected using the Risk Behavior Assessment. A generalized logit model was constructed comparing ever having used both amphetamine and Viagra together and separately, as compared to never having used either (referent). Men who used both methamphetamine and Viagra showed a significantly higher prevalence of hepatitis B, syphilis, and HIV compared to those who used only one or neither drug. Of the 1,794 complete cases, 11.1% (199/1794) had used both amphetamine and Viagra. Of 20 potential risk and protective factors for use of amphetamine and Viagra, 12 were significant predictors: ever used gamma-hydroxybutyrate (GHB), ever used cocaine, ever used ecstasy, being infected with HIV, race = White compared to other, ever having hepatitis B, ever using crack, ever given money to have sex, living in a hotel, ever been in drug treatment, and ever using heroin. The protective factor was being heterosexual. Viagra use was associated with insertive, and methamphetamine was associated with receptive, anal intercourse. GHB use appears to play a more important role than previously thought

The fulfillment of parties' election pledges : a comparative study on the impact of power sharing

Why are some parties more likely than others to keep the promises they made during previous election campaigns? This study provides the first comparative analysis that addresses this question with common definitions of pledges and fulfillment. We study the fulfillment of 18,743 pledges made in 54 election campaigns in 12 countries. We find high levels of pledge fulfillment for most parties that enter the government executive, and substantially lower levels for parties that do not. The findings challenge the common view of parties as promise breakers. The degree to which governing parties share power affects pledge fulfillment, with parties in single-party executives, both with and without legislative majorities, having the highest fulfillment rates. Within coalition governments, the likelihood of pledge fulfillment depends on whether the party receives the chief executive post and whether another governing party made a similar pledge, but not on the ideological range of the coalition

Hepatitis Vaccination of Men Who Have Sex with Men at Gay Pride Events

Prevention researchers have advocated primary prevention such as vaccination in alternative venues. However, there have been major questions about both the attendance of, and the ability to, vaccinate high-risk individuals in such settings. The current study seeks to assess the feasibility of vaccinating high-risk men who have sex with men (MSM) at Gay Pride events. The research questions are: Do gay men who are sampled at Gay Pride events engage in more or less risky behavior than gay men sampled at other venues? Do the gay men who receive hepatitis vaccinations at Gay Pride engage in more or less risky behavior than gay men at Gay Pride who do not receive hepatitis vaccination? Of the 3689 MSM that completed the Field Risk Assessment (FRA), 1095/3689 = 29.68% were recruited at either the 2006 or 2007 Long Beach, California Gay Pride events. The remaining, 2594/3689 = 70.32% were recruited at Long Beach gay bars, gay community organizations and institutions, and through street recruitment in various gay enclaves in the Long Beach area. Logistic regression analysis yielded eight factors that were associated with non-attendance of Gay Pride: Age, had sex while high in the last 12 months, had unprotected anal intercourse (UAI) in the last 12 months, had sex for drugs/money in the last 12 months, been diagnosed with a sexually transmitted infection (STI) in the last 12 months, used nitrites (poppers) in the last 12 months, and used methamphetamine in the last 12 months. Identifying as White, Asian, or African American compared to Hispanic was also associated with non-attendance. Bivariate analysis indicated that, of the MSM sampled at Gay Pride, 280/1095 = 25.57% received a hepatitis vaccination there. The MSM sampled at Gay Pride who reported engaging in UAI or having used any stimulant (cocaine, crack-cocaine, or methamphetamine) in the last 12 months were more likely to receive hepatitis vaccination on-site. The results provide evidence for the viability of successfully vaccinating high-risk MSM at Gay Pride events. However, it is vital that no-cost vaccinations are also funded in other community settings such as STI clinics, drug treatment programs, prisons, universities, and other community resource centers in order to reach those additional high-risk MSM who do not attend Gay Pride

Do parties make a difference? The relationship between government intention and government output in the public policy sphere: the case of governments in Ireland 1977-1997

THESIS 7497Students of representative democracy are not in agreement as to the degree of influence that parties exert over public policy. One possible route by which partisan influence may be investigated is through a case study of pledge fulfilment. I submit that there are seven requirements for a partisan difference to be suggested through this pledge approach. These are as follows; -- 1. parties stand for different policies (Sullivan and O\u27Connor 1972), -- 2. voters perceive the parties\u27 different stances (Sullivan and O\u27Connor 1972), -- 3. voters cast their ballots on the basis of the different policy positions on offer (Sullivan and O\u27Connor 1972), taking into account the reputations of the parties with regard to policy consistency (Downs 1957, Denver and Hands 1992), -- 4. parties in government redeem more of their own policy promises than those of the opposition (Klingemann, Hofferbert and Budge 1994, Thomson 1999), -- 5. parties, if they get into government after the election, generally redeem the policy promises they offered before the election (Sullivan and O?Connor 1972), -- 6. where parties do not remain faithful to their pre-election promises, the voters punish them at the following election (Downs 1957), -- 7. actions promoted in manifestos account for the vast majority of later government actions. In this thesis, I test for all seven requirements over the Irish government terms 1977-2002. I use different methods to test the seven requirements. For the first three and sixth requirements, I rely largely on collated evidence from secondary sources