Intrahepatic cholestasis of pregnancy is not associated with stillbirth in an Australian maternity population

Dissertação de mestrado em Relações Internacionais (Estudos da Paz e da Segurança), apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de CoimbraNo seguimento de experiências de violência extrema, no contexto de regimes políticos autoritários e violações sistemáticas de direitos humanos, algumas sociedades são confrontadas com questões relativas ao legado desse passado de violência, cujo impacto se faz sentir diretamente ao nível dos seus processos de (re)conciliação e reconstrução pós-conflito: o que será lembrado e esquecido, na construção da memória e verdade(s) sobre o conflito, e na transmissão do conhecimento às gerações futuras? O que deve acontecer aos indivíduos que planearam e aos que exerceram a violência? Que tipo de crimes serão julgados? Que tipo de processos judiciais e mecanismos de reparação serão estabelecidos e com que propósitos? Como é que uma sociedade pode (re)estabelecer os seus laços sociais intra-comunitários e até que ponto é que indivíduos que se percecionam mutuamente como inimigos alguma vez se poderão reconciliar? Estas são questões relacionadas com o fenómeno de justiça de transição, que se tem vindo a estabelecer enquanto norma global para as sociedades lidarem com o passado. A justiça de transição não só é uma área pouco teorizada como a sua teoria e prática dependem, em larga medida, de pressupostos adquiridos e partilhados com o modelo liberal internacional de construção da paz (peacebuilding). Esta dissertação procura problematizar mais especificamente um destes pressupostos, a dicotomia “vítimaperpetrador” e os processos de categorização inerentes ao modelo dominante de justiça de transição, em geral, tal como este é pensado e implementado ao nível internacional e nacional. Com base no estudo de caso do Ruanda, o nosso objetivo é demonstrar as insuficiências e limitações desta visão dicotómica para interpretar dinâmicas profundas de conflito considerando, ao invés, a diversidade de experiências de violência e vitimização que esta dicotomia exclui e refletindo sobre o seu impacto nas perspectivas de (re)conciliação pós-conflito, em particular da sociedade Ruandesa. De forma a atingir o objetivo a que nos propomos, a análise desta dissertação será orientada pela seguinte pergunta de partida: de que forma, no contexto de sociedades pós-conflito, como o Ruanda, pode uma narrativa de vitimização dominante ser desafiada por excluir uma diversidade de experiências de vitimização e violência, e que repercussões pode esta contestação originar para as perspectivas de (re)conciliação nesta sociedade? A nossa análise estará alicerçada em três hipóteses: (i) a dicotomia “vítima-perpetrator” é um elemento fundamental das iniciativas de transição pós-conflito apoiados pela ONU e implementados no contexto de intervenções internacionais; (ii) o Ruanda no pósgenocídio é caracterizado por uma narrativa nacional dominante de vitimização, baseada numa dicotomia “vítima-perpetrator” que é insuficiente para compreender a diversidade de experiências de violência e vitimização vivida por diferentes grupos sociais, excluindoas e deslegitimando-as; e (iii) os processos de justiça de transição orientados segundo esta dicotomia provocam novas formas de re-vitimização, por um lado, invisibilizando e deslegitimando certas experiências de violência e vitimização e, por outro lado, tomando estas categorias socio-políticas como absolutas, limitando assim a agência política dos indivíduos e a sua (re)integração social, colocando em causa o processo de (re)conciliação em sociedades divididas em geral, e na Ruandesa em particular. A validação destas hipóteses será baseada numa abordagem qualitativa à investigação, com base na interpretação qualitativa de informação textual recolhida através de fontes primárias e secundárias, e também na análise de discurso. O enquadramento teórico e conceptual com base no qual articularemos a nossa crítica combina contributos teóricos de duas disciplinas distintas mas complementares: a psicologia social, mais precisamente o trabalho de Carlos Beristain sobre a abordagem psicosocial, e a teoria das relações internacionais, especificamente a vertente mais crítica da abordagem construtivista. Da nossa análise decorreu a validação das nossas hipóteses iniciais, sendo que demonstrámos assim como a dicotomia “vítima-perpetrator” se tem tornado um elemento fundamental nas iniciativas de justiça de transição apoiadas pela ONU; discutimos e detalhámos as narrativas dominantes de justiça de transição e vitimização estabelecidas no Ruanda e as suas dinâmicas de exclusão e, por último, refletimos sobre como os processos de justiça de transição orientados por esta dicotomia promovem processos de revitimização e limitam as perspectivas de longo prazo de reconciliação em sociedades divididas, como exemplificado pelo Ruanda no pós-genocídio.Following experiences of extreme violence, in the context of authoritarian political regimes and systematic human rights violations, societies are faced with questions regarding the legacy of that past of violence, which directly impact on the processes of (re)conciliation and post-conflict rebuilding: what will be remembered and forgotten, in the construction of memory and truth(s) relating to the conflict, and in the transmission of knowledge to younger generations? What should happen to those individuals who planned and those who enacted the violence? What will be the range of crimes under investigation? What kind of judicial processes and mechanisms for reparations will be established and with what purposes? How can a community (re)establish its social intra-community ties and to what extent and in which way can individuals who perceive each other as enemies ever reconcile? These questions fall within the scope of the phenomenon of transitional justice, which has been establishing itself as a global norm on how societies should deal with the past. Not only is the field of transitional justice under theorized but its dominant discourse on theory and praxis relies heavily on core assumptions taken for granted, many of which borrowed from liberal peacebuilding. Our dissertation seeks to problematize one of these, in particular, the “victim-perpetrator” dichotomy and the categorizing inherent to the dominant transitional justice model thought of and implemented at both international and national levels. Drawing on Rwanda as a case study, this dissertation will aim at demonstrating the insufficiencies and limitations of this dichotomised view in understanding deeper conflict dynamics, by looking into the diversity of violence and victimhood experiences that this dichotomy excludes and by reflecting upon its impact on the prospects of post-conflict (re)conciliation, specifically with regards to contemporary Rwandan society. In order to achieve our proposed aim, the analysis in this dissertation will be guided by the following research question: In what way, in the context of a post-conflict society such as Rwanda, can an established dominant victimhood narrative be challenged for excluding the diversity of victimization and violence experiences, and what repercussions may that dispute have on the prospects of (re)conciliation in this society? Our analysis will be grounded on three working hypotheses: (i) the dichotomy “victim-perpetrator” is a fundamental element in UN-sanctioned post-conflict transition Initiatives implemented in the context of international interventions; (ii) post -genocide Rwanda is characterized by a national dominant victimhood narrative, based on a “victim-perpetrator” dichotomy which is insufficient to understand the full diversity of violence and victimhood experiences from different social groups, therefore excluding and delegitimizing them; and (iii) transitional justice processes framed by this dichotomy promote new forms of victimization, on the one hand, by making invisible (and, therefore, illegitimate) certain experiences of violence and victimhood and, on the other hand, by essentializing these sociopolitical categories, which ends up limiting individuals’ political agency and social reintegration, hindering the reconciliation process in divided societies and, particularly, in Rwanda. The validation of these hypotheses will be based on a qualitative research approach, in this way relying on the qualitative interpretation of textual (qualitative) data collected both from the literature and from primary evidence as well as discourse analysis. The theoretical and conceptual framework supporting our critique combines contributions from two distinct but, complementary fields of study: social psychology, in particular the work of Carlos Beristain on the psychosocial approach, and international relations theory, drawing on the more critical strand of constructivism. Our discussion successfully validated our three initial hypotheses, therefore asserting how the “victim-perpetrator” dichotomy has become a fundamental element in UN-sanctioned transit ional justice initiatives; discussing and detailing the dominant transitional justice and victimhood narratives in Rwanda and their dynamics of exclusion and, finally, reflecting on how transitional justice processes framed by this dichotomy promote re-victimization and hinder long-term reconciliation in divided societies such as post-genocide Rwanda

Variation in hospital caesarean section rates for preterm births

Background: Evidence about optimal mode of delivery for preterm birth is lacking and there is thought to be considerable variation in practice. Objective: To assess whether variation in hospital preterm caesarean section rates (Robson Classification Group 10) and outcomes are explained by casemix, labour or hospital characteristics. Materials and Methods: Population-based cohort study in NSW, 2007-2011. Births were categorised according to degree of prematurity and hospital service capability: 26-31 weeks, 32-33 weeks and 34-36 weeks. Hospital preterm caesarean rates were investigated using multilevel logistic regression models, progressively adjusting for casemix, labour and hospital factors. The association between hospital caesarean rates, and severe maternal and neonatal morbidity rates was assessed. Results: At 26-31 weeks the caesarean rate was 55.2% (7 hospitals, range 43.4-58.4%); 50.9% at 32-33 weeks (12 hospitals, 43.4- 58.1%); and 36.4% at 34-36 weeks (51 hospitals, 17.4-48.3%). At 26-31 weeks and 32-33 weeks, 81% and 59% of the variation between hospitals was explained with no hospital significantly different from the state average after adjustment. At 34-36 weeks, although 59% of the variation was explained, substantial unexplained variation persisted. Hospital caesarean rates were not associated with severe maternal morbidity rates at any gestational age. At 26-31 weeks medium and high caesarean rates were associated with higher severe neonatal morbidity rates, but there was no evidence of this association ≥32 weeks. 3 Conclusion: Both casemix and practice differences contributed to the variation in hospital caesarean rates. Low preterm caesarean rates were not associated with worse outcomes.Australian National Health and Medical Research Council; Australian Research Counci

Surveillance optimisation to detect poliovirus in the pre-eradication era: a modelling study of England and Wales.

Surveillance for acute flaccid paralysis (AFP) cases are essential for polio eradication. However, as most poliovirus infections are asymptomatic and some regions of the world are inaccessible, additional surveillance tools require development. Within England and Wales, we demonstrate how inclusion of environmental sampling (ENV) improves the sensitivity of detecting both wild and vaccine-derived polioviruses (VDPVs) when compared to current surveillance. Statistical modelling was used to estimate the spatial risk of wild and VDPV importation and circulation in England and Wales. We estimate the sensitivity of each surveillance mode to detect poliovirus and the probability of being free from poliovirus, defined as being below a pre-specified prevalence of infection. Poliovirus risk was higher within local authorities in Manchester, Birmingham, Bradford and London. The sensitivity of detecting wild poliovirus within a given month using AFP and enterovirus surveillance was estimated to be 0.096 (95% CI 0.055-0.134). Inclusion of ENV in the three highest risk local authorities and a site in London increased surveillance sensitivity to 0.192 (95% CI 0.191-0.193). The sensitivity of ENV strategies can be compared using the framework by varying sites and the frequency of sampling. The probability of being free from poliovirus slowly increased from the date of the last case in 1993. ENV within areas thought to have the highest risk improves detection of poliovirus, and has the potential to improve confidence in the polio-free status of England and Wales and detect VDPVs

Epidural Analgesia in Labour and Risk of Caesarean Delivery

Background: A Cochrane Systematic Review of randomised controlled trials of epidural analgesia compared to other or no analgesia in labour reported no overall increased risk of caesarean section. However, many trials were affected by substantial noncompliance and there are concerns about the external validity of some trials for contemporary maternity populations. We aimed to explore the association between epidural analgesia in labour and caesarean section in clinical practice and compare with findings from randomized controlled trials. Methods: Population-based cohort of pregnant women (n=172,785) without major obstetric complications who delivered a singleton live infant in hospitals in New South Wales, Australia, 2007-2010. Data were obtained from linked, validated population-based data collections. Propensity score matching was used to analyse the association between epidural analgesia in labour and caesarean section. Results: Epidural analgesia in labour was used by 54,668 (31.6%) women and 15,926 (9.2%) had a caesarean section. Epidural analgesia in labour was associated with increased risk of caesarean section (RR 2.63; 95% CI [2.53, 2.74]). The association with epidural analgesia in labour is higher for caesarean section for failure to progress (RR 3.09, 95% CI [2.94, 3.25]) than for caesarean section for fetal distress (RR 1.96, 95% CI [1.83, 2.09]). Conclusions: In practice, epidural analgesia in labour is associated with caesarean section in a large maternity population. Population-based studies contribute important information about obstetric care, when research settings and participants may not represent the clinical settings or broader population in which obstetric interventions in labour are applied.NHMRC, AR