"Race, Ethnicity, and the Gender-Poverty Gap"

We use data from the Current Population Survey (CPS 1994-2001) to document the relationship between gender-specific demographic variations and the gender-poverty gap among eight racial/ethnic groups. We find that Black and Puerto Rican women experience a double disadvantage owing to being both women and members of a minority group. As compared with whites, however, gender inequality among other minority groups is relatively small. By utilizing a standardization technique, we are able to estimate the importance of gender-specific demographic and socioeconomic composition in shaping differences in men's and women's poverty rates both within and across racial/ethnic lines. The analysis reveals that sociodemographic characteristics have a distinct effect on the poverty rate of minority women, and that the form and the magnitude of the effect vary across racial/ethnic lines. By incorporating the newly available immigration information in the CPS data, we are also able to document the effect of immigration status on gender inequality. The social and economic implications of the findings for the study of gender inequality are discussed in the last section of the article.

Race, ethnicity, and the gender-poverty gap

We use data from the Current Population Survey (CPS 1994 2001) to document the relationship between gender-specific demographic variations and the gender-poverty gap among eight racial/ethnic groups. We find that Black and Puerto Rican women experience a double disadvantage owing to being both women and members of a minority group. As compared with whites, however, gender inequality among other minority groups is relatively small. By utilizing a standardization technique, we are able to estimate the importance of gender-specific demographic and socioeconomic composition in shaping differences in men's and women's poverty rates both within and across racial/ethnic lines. The analysis reveals that sociodemographic characteristics have a distinct effect on the poverty rate of minority women, and that the form and the magnitude of the effect vary across racial/ethnic lines. By incorporating the newly available immigration information in the CPS data, we are also able to document the effect of immigration status on gender inequality. The social and economic implications of the findings for the study of gender inequality are discussed in the last section of the article

Welfare Reform and Changes in the Economic Well-Being of Children

Since the implementation of the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program in late-1996, welfare rolls have declined by more than half. This paper explores whether improvements in the economic well-being of children have accompanied this dramatic reduction in welfare participation. Further, we examine the degree to which the success or failure of welfare reform has been shared equally among families of varying educational background. We analyze data from the March Current Population Surveys over the years 1988 through 2001. Specifically, we link data for families with children who are interviewed in adjacent years and determine whether their economic circumstances either improved or deteriorated. We use two alternative approaches to address this general issue: a variety of regression models and a difference-in-differences methodology. These approaches provide consistent answers. In a bivariate framework TANF is associated with higher incomes; but this association becomes insignificant in the presence of business cycle controls. We also determine that children who were poor at an initial time period benefit differently, depending on their parents' educational attainment level. Poor children with parents who do not have a high school degree are significantly worse off in the TANF era, relative to the era prior to welfare reform, than are their more educated counterparts.

Children facing economic hardships in the United States

This paper helps document significant improvements in the child low-income rate as well as the significant decrease in the proportion of children who relied on public assistance in the United States during the 1990s. Many disadvantaged groups of children were less likely to live in poor or low-income families in the late 1990s than such children a decade earlier. The improvement in the child low-income rates of these disadvantaged groups was accompanied by a substantial increase in parental employment. However, parental employment appears to do less to protect children from economic hardship than it did a decade earlier. This paper shows that working families’ children in many disadvantaged social groups, especially groups in medium risk ranks--children in families with parents between ages 25 to 29, with parents who only had a high-school diploma, and in father-only families--suffered the largest increase in economic hardship. Our results indicate that the increased odds of falling below low-income lines among children in working families facing multiple disadvantaged characteristics and the increased proportion of these children in various subgroups of working families in the 1990s can help explain the increased economic hardship among subgroups in the medium risk ranks listed above. Finally, the paper also notes that the official measure of poverty tends to underestimate low-income rates.bootstrap, child poverty, employment, income, low income, poverty measure, welfare reform

Living at the Edge: American Low-Income Children and Families

By analyzing data from the Current Population Survey March Supplements, Living at the Edge explores the following questions about children in low-income families in the United States: What are the overall changes in the low-income and poverty rates for children over the past quarter century? How has the population of children in low-income families changed over the past decade? Which children are more likely to live in low-income families? How have changes in parental employment status affected the likelihood of children living in low-income families? What are the state by state variations in child low-income and poverty rates, and how have these changed in the last decade? How does a more inclusive definition of family income and expenses affect our understanding of the poverty and near-poverty rates of children in low-income families? This report helps document significant improvements in the child low-income rate as well as the significant decrease in the proportion of children who relied on public assistance during the 1990s. However, Living at the Edge also finds a notable increase in the share of children who lived in near-poor families (those with incomes between 100 and 200 percent of the poverty line) among children in low-income families during the 1990s. Many disadvantaged groups of children, including those with young parents, minority parents, parents with limited education, or unmarried parents, were less likely to live in poor or low-income families in the late 1990s than such children a decade earlier. The improvement in the child low-income rates of these disadvantaged groups was closely related to an increase in parental employment during the late 1990s. However, the low-income rate worsened for children whose more educated parent had a high-school diploma but no college education. For children of many disadvantaged social groups, parental employment appears to do less to protect them from economic hardship then it did a decade earlier. The groups that suffered the most in reduced economic security given parental employment status were those in the medium risk ranks (children in families with at least one parent between ages 25 to 39, children whose more educated parent had only has a high school diploma, and in father-only families). The report also notes that the official measure of poverty ignores the burden of medical and work related expenses as well as taxes and therefore tends to underestimate the share of children in near-poor and low-income families facing economic insecurity. Finally, we discuss the policy implications for our findings

Improvement of Carbon Tetrachloride-Induced Acute Hepatic Failure by Transplantation of Induced Pluripotent Stem Cells without Reprogramming Factor c-Myc

The only curative treatment for hepatic failure is liver transplantation. Unfortunately, this treatment has several major limitations, as for example donor organ shortage. A previous report demonstrated that transplantation of induced pluripotent stem cells without reprogramming factor c-Myc (3-genes iPSCs) attenuates thioacetamide-induced hepatic failure with minimal incidence of tumorigenicity. In this study, we investigated whether 3-genes iPSC transplantation is capable of rescuing carbon tetrachloride (CCl4)-induced fulminant hepatic failure and hepatic encephalopathy in mice. Firstly, we demonstrated that 3-genes iPSCs possess the capacity to differentiate into hepatocyte-like cells (iPSC-Heps) that exhibit biological functions and express various hepatic specific markers. 3-genes iPSCs also exhibited several antioxidant enzymes that prevented CCl4-induced reactive oxygen species production and cell death. Intraperitoneal transplantation of either 3-genes iPSCs or 3-genes iPSC-Heps significantly reduced hepatic necrotic areas, improved hepatic functions, and survival rate in CCl4-treated mice. CCl4-induced hepatic encephalopathy was also improved by 3-genes iPSC transplantation. Hoechst staining confirmed the successful engraftment of both 3-genes iPSCs and 3-genes iPSC-Heps, indicating the homing properties of these cells. The most pronounced hepatoprotective effect of iPSCs appeared to originate from the highest antioxidant activity of 3-gene iPSCs among all transplanted cells. In summary, our findings demonstrated that 3-genes iPSCs serve as an available cell source for the treatment of an experimental model of acute liver diseases

Serological Evidence of Subclinical Transmission of the 2009 Pandemic H1N1 Influenza Virus Outside of Mexico

Background: Relying on surveillance of clinical cases limits the ability to understand the full impact and severity of an epidemic, especially when subclinical cases are more likely to be present in the early stages. Little is known of the infection and transmissibility of the 2009 H1N1 pandemic influenza (pH1N1) virus outside of Mexico prior to clinical cases being reported, and of the knowledge pertaining to immunity and incidence of infection during April-June, which is essential for understanding the nature of viral transmissibility as well as for planning surveillance and intervention of future pandemics. Methodology/Principal Findings: Starting in the fall of 2008, 306 persons from households with schoolchildren in central Taiwan were followed sequentially and serum samples were taken in three sampling periods for haemagglutination inhibition (HI) assay. Age-specific incidence rates were calculated based on seroconversion of antibodies to the pH1N1 virus with an HI titre of 1: 40 or more during two periods: April-June and September-October in 2009. The earliest time period with HI titer greater than 40, as well as a four-fold increase of the neutralization titer, was during April 26-May 3. The incidence rates during the pre-epidemic phase (April-June) and the first wave (July-October) of the pandemic were 14.1% and 29.7%, respectively. The transmissibility of the pH1N1 virus during the early phase of the epidemic, as measured by the effective reproductive number R(0), was 1.16 (95% confidence interval (CI): 0.98-1.34). Conclusions: Approximately one in every ten persons was infected with the 2009 pH1N1 virus during the pre-epidemic phase in April-June. The lack of age-pattern in seropositivity is unexpected, perhaps highlighting the importance of children as asymptomatic transmitters of influenza in households. Although without virological confirmation, our data raise the question of whether there was substantial pH1N1 transmission in Taiwan before June, when clinical cases were first detected by the surveillance network

The Changing Demographics of Low-Income Families and Their Children

Nearly 40 percent of America's children live in low-income families, which is defined as having a family income below 200 percent of the federal poverty level (FPL). Currently, this is $36,800 a year for a family of four. Research suggests that this income level is the minimum amount required for families to meet their basic material needs. Children who live in low-income families face many of the same risks as those children officially acknowledged as poor, including learning difficulties, social and emotional problems, and poor health. The number of children in low-income families decreased steadily from 1993 to 2000. Specifically, children of young parents, minority parents, parents with limited education, and single parents experienced growing family incomes. But while employment has increased, full-time work provides less protection against hardship than it did a decade ago. In 2001, the number of children in low-income families increased for the first time since 1993; data just released by the U.S. Census Bureau indicate that the situation continued to worsen in 2002. This report examines how low-income families fared over the past decade—a period when the economy boomed, and then declined, and when welfare reform both encouraged work and reduced the availability of public assistance. A close examination of the experiences of the past decade can help shed light on which families to target and what policies seem to make a difference

Untapped Potential: State Earned Income Credits and Child Poverty Reduction

NCCP is publishing this research brief at a time when a large and growing share of children in poverty have working parents. A strong national economy and welfare reform have contributed to a significant increase in the proportion of poor families with at least one parent in the workforce over the past several years. In this context, a key challenge for policymakers and others who are concerned about the well-being of children and families is how to develop and improve policies that reward work and help low-income working families to increase their earnings. One of the most promising policies in this regard is the earned income credit (EIC). (Note: The EIC is also commonly referred to as the EITC or earned income tax credit.) Research by NCCP has documented the powerful anti-poverty effects of the federal EIC, which benefits nearly 20 million working families each year. The federal EIC increases the after-tax income of these families by an average of about $1,500 per family at a total cost of just over$30 billion. This research brief examines the current and potential impact of state EICs as a means of building on the positive effects of the federal EIC at the state level. This is the third research brief in a series published by the National Center for Children in Poverty focusing on poverty dynamics in the 50 states and the District of Columbia

Employment Alone is Not Enough for America's Low-Income Children and Families

Nearly 40 percent of American children live in families with incomes below 200 percent of the federal poverty level—the amount that research suggests is needed for most families to be economically self-sufficient. Currently, 200 percent of the federal poverty level is $36,800 a year for a family of four.3 Most families with income below 200 percent of the poverty level—low-income families—have at least one working parent. Although families with incomes between 100 and 200 percent of the poverty level are not classified officially as poor, many face material hardships and financial pressures similar to those faced by families who are officially poor. Missed rent payments, utility shut offs, inadequate access to health care, unstable child care arrangements, and running out of food are not uncommon for families with income below 200 percent of the poverty level. Even though 85 percent of children in low-income families have at least one working parent, many of these families cannot get ahead simply by working more. Low wages, work-related expenses, the loss of public benefits, and the bite of payroll and other taxes make it difficult for low-income working families to work their way to long-term economic security. Without additional supports, nearly 40 percent of American children have parents who have little chance of working their way to economic self-sufficiency anytime soon. This report examines the progress made by low-income children and families in the 1990s, when child poverty declined substantially. It focuses on the important role that public policies have played in supporting low-wage employment. But it also highlights the limits of low-wage employment—low-wage work, by itself, is insufficient to move families from poverty to economic self-sufficiency. The economic downturn, rising unemployment, and cuts in public work supports have compounded the challenges faced by low-income families. The report concludes with suggestions for how policymakers can help low-income families make financial progress