Desarrollo integrado con coca en el Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia: de la erradicación a la mitigación de la pobreza

La innovadora política “coca sí, cocaína no” del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia, en vigor desde 2006, aporta información valiosa sobre los beneficios de adoptar un enfoque de los aspectos del control de cultivos relacionados con la oferta que esté centrado en los medios de subsistencia sostenibles y no en la previa erradicación forzosa. Si bien esta política no está exenta de limitaciones, la atención que dedica a la asistencia social, los derechos humanos y la estabilidad económica de las familias cultivadoras de coca ha demostrado ser eficaz y sostenible para diversificar la economía y fomentar la estabilidad política y económica. La participación directa de las comunidades y las organizaciones de base, como los sindicatos cocaleros, en la búsqueda de enfoques más eficaces y sostenibles respecto del control de la droga ha sido fundamental para el éxito de esta política. Los elementos del programa clave de esta política también se corresponden con los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible, aprobados por las Naciones Unidas en 2015

Roadmap for a sustainable circular economy in lithium-ion and future battery technologies

The market dynamics, and their impact on a future circular economy for lithium-ion batteries (LIB), are presented in this roadmap, with safety as an integral consideration throughout the life cycle. At the point of end-of-life (EOL), there is a range of potential options—remanufacturing, reuse and recycling. Diagnostics play a significant role in evaluating the state-of-health and condition of batteries, and improvements to diagnostic techniques are evaluated. At present, manual disassembly dominates EOL disposal, however, given the volumes of future batteries that are to be anticipated, automated approaches to the dismantling of EOL battery packs will be key. The first stage in recycling after the removal of the cells is the initial cell-breaking or opening step. Approaches to this are reviewed, contrasting shredding and cell disassembly as two alternative approaches. Design for recycling is one approach that could assist in easier disassembly of cells, and new approaches to cell design that could enable the circular economy of LIBs are reviewed. After disassembly, subsequent separation of the black mass is performed before further concentration of components. There are a plethora of alternative approaches for recovering materials; this roadmap sets out the future directions for a range of approaches including pyrometallurgy, hydrometallurgy, short-loop, direct, and the biological recovery of LIB materials. Furthermore, anode, lithium, electrolyte, binder and plastics recovery are considered in order to maximise the proportion of materials recovered, minimise waste and point the way towards zero-waste recycling. The life-cycle implications of a circular economy are discussed considering the overall system of LIB recycling, and also directly investigating the different recycling methods. The legal and regulatory perspectives are also considered. Finally, with a view to the future, approaches for next-generation battery chemistries and recycling are evaluated, identifying gaps for research. This review takes the form of a series of short reviews, with each section written independently by a diverse international authorship of experts on the topic. Collectively, these reviews form a comprehensive picture of the current state of the art in LIB recycling, and how these technologies are expected to develop in the future

Habeas Coca: Bolivias Community Coca Control

With significant pressure and earmarked funding from the United States and other demand-side countries, the Andean countries of Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru have struggled for decades with the question of how to limit the growth of coca and the export of cocaine and comply with UN drug conventions. Tactics such as forced eradication, criminalization, and marginalization of coca farmers have not only failed to significantly reduce cocaine production, but have had disastrous consequences for the economies and communities in the region.In 2004 the Bolivian government, despite international pressure to maintain the status quo, gathered the political momentum to try something different. Bolivia established the cato accord that allowed farmers to legally grow a limited and regulated quantity of coca leaves, a mainstay of Andean life for 4,000 years.The Bolivian model's simple concept is supported at the local, national, regional, and international levels by a complex network of growers, unions, organizations, government agencies, and police and military forces.Habeas Coca: Bolivia's Community Coca Control explains how the community control system works and shows its effectiveness in decreasing violence, increasing citizen engagement, limiting corruption, stabilizing and diversifying local economies, and reducing coca cultivation. It also explores the areas where the program and its evaluation can be improved.Countries where legal and illegal drug markets coexist, or can be developed, can benefit greatly by exploring and adapting the community control model to their unique circumstances. And, by better understanding the possibilities and constraints placed on those on the supply-side, countries on the demand-side of the global drug market will learn from Habeas Coca how critical their own policies, domestic and foreign, are to the success of limiting cocaine supply.

Communitarian Tourism Hosts And Mediators In Peru

This study provides a long-term, ethnographic assessment of the development, management, and decline of communitarian tourism in the rural Peruvian indigenous community of Taquile Island, focusing on relations between hosts and outsider brokers/mediators. To date, relationships with outsider tour operators and guides have generally been acrimonious due to competition over control of transportation and the type of tourism outsiders have promoted. Nonetheless, Taquile\u27s initiative was at first successful because of help from a hitherto unresearched group of individual foreigners. The study points to the need for further investigation of the potential impact of this type of broker/mediator, particularly vis-à-vis public-sector investment and development. © 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved

Habeas Coca: Bolivias Community Coca Control: Spanish

With significant pressure and earmarked funding from the United States and other demand-side countries, the Andean countries of Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru have struggled for decades with the question of how to limit the growth of coca and the export of cocaine and comply with UN drug conventions. Tactics such as forced eradication, criminalization, and marginalization of coca farmers have not only failed to significantly reduce cocaine production, but have had disastrous consequences for the economies and communities in the region.In 2004 the Bolivian government, despite international pressure to maintain the status quo, gathered the political momentum to try something different. Bolivia established the cato accord that allowed farmers to legally grow a limited and regulated quantity of coca leaves, a mainstay of Andean life for 4,000 years.The Bolivian model's simple concept is supported at the local, national, regional, and international levels by a complex network of growers, unions, organizations, government agencies, and police and military forces.Habeas Coca: Bolivia's Community Coca Control explains how the community control system works and shows its effectiveness in decreasing violence, increasing citizen engagement, limiting corruption, stabilizing and diversifying local economies, and reducing coca cultivation. It also explores the areas where the program and its evaluation can be improved.Countries where legal and illegal drug markets coexist, or can be developed, can benefit greatly by exploring and adapting the community control model to their unique circumstances. And, by better understanding the possibilities and constraints placed on those on the supply-side, countries on the demand-side of the global drug market will learn from Habeas Coca how critical their own policies, domestic and foreign, are to the success of limiting cocaine su

Integrated development with coca in the plurinational state of Bolivia: shifting the focus from eradication to poverty alleviation

The innovative “coca yes, cocaine no” policy of the Plurinational State of Bolivia, in place since 2006, provides valuable insight into the benefits of a sustainable livelihood approach to supply-side drug crop control without prior forced eradication. While the policy has inevitable limitations, its focus on the social welfare, human rights and economic stability of coca-farming families has proven effective and sustainable in diversifying the economy and fostering political and economic stability. The direct participation of communities and grass-roots organizations, such as the coca grower unions, in finding more effective and sustainable approaches to drug control have been crucial elements in its success. The elements of the policy’s key programme also correspond with the Sustainable Development Goals, adopted by the United Nations in 2015

Développement intégré et coca dans l’État plurinational de Bolivie: l’éradication cède le pas à la réduction de la pauvreté

La politique novatrice consistant à dire « oui à la coca, non à la cocaïne » que l’État plurinational de Bolivie a mise en place à partir de 2006 montre bien les avantages que présente, en matière de contrôle des cultures servant à fabriquer des drogues exercé du côté de l’offre, une approche fondée sur des moyens de subsistance durables qui ne suppose pas au préalable d’éradication forcée. En dépit des inévitables inconvénients de cette politique, le fait qu’elle mette l’accent sur la protection sociale, les droits fondamentaux et la stabilité économique des familles de cultivateurs de coca a montré son efficacité et sa viabilité du point de vue de la diversification de l’économie et de la promotion de la stabilité politique et économique, et son succès doit beaucoup à la participation directe des communautés et des organisations locales, telles que les syndicats de cultivateurs de coca, à la recherche de méthodes plus efficaces et durables de lutte contre la drogue. De plus, les éléments du programme principal mis en oeuvre dans le cadre de cette politique rejoignent les objectifs de développement durable que l’Organisation des Nations Unies a adoptés en 2015

From criminals to citizens: the applicability of Bolivia’s community-based coca control policy to Peru

Between 2006-2019, Bolivia emerged as a world leader in formulating a participatory, non-violent model to gradually limit coca production in a safe and sustainable manner while simultaneously offering farmers realistic economic alternatives to coca. Our study finds that not only has this model reduced violence, but it has effectively expanded social and civil rights in hitherto marginal regions. In contrast, Peru has continued to conceptualise ‘drugs’ as a crime and security issue. This has led to U.S.-financed forced crop eradication, putting the burden onto impoverished farmers, generating violence and instability. At the request of farmers, the Peruvian government has made a tentative move towards implementing one aspect of Bolivia’s community control in Peru. Could it work? We address this question by focusing on participatory development with a special emphasis on the role of local organisations and the relationship between growers and the state. Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, interviews, focus group discussions and secondary research, we find that for community control to have any chance of success in Peru, grassroots organisations must be strengthened and grower trust in the state created. The study also demonstrates that successful participatory development in drug crop regions is contingent on land titling and robust state investment, which strengthens farmer resolve to participate so as to avoid a return to the repression of the past

Political incorporation in measures of democracy: a missing dimension (and the case of Bolivia)

Since President Morales took office in Bolivia in early 2006, the country has undergone a complex political transformation. This profound process of change is, however, hardly reflected in established democracy indices, which by and large paint a picture of institutional continuity. Taking this puzzling observation as a starting point, the paper compares qualitative and quantitative assessments of Bolivia's contemporary political regime and argues that existing measures of democracy largely miss one key dimension that is crucial when it comes to analyzing (changes in) the quality of democracy: the issue of political incorporation. Specifically, the case of Bolivia shows that democracy indices mostly ignore important changes in terms of descriptive representation, party incorporation, and non-electoral participation. Privileging an individualist conception of liberal democracy, democracy measures downplay the relevance of collective forms of political representation and participation and, hence, the extent to which different social groups are or are not incorporated into the political system. As a result, these measures of democracy mostly do not "count" the recent progress in the political incorporation of important parts of the Bolivian population, which had been largely absent from the country's political institutions despite of two decades of continuous democratic rule