Iron, copper and silver nanoparticles: green synthesis using green and black tea leaves extracts and evaluation of antibacterial, antifungal and aflatoxin B1 adsorption activity

peer-reviewedThe present study was aimed to account an eco-friendly synthesis of iron (Fe), copper (Cu) and silver (Ag) nanoparticles (NPs) using green tea and black tea leaves extracts. Synthesized NPs were characterized using SEM, FTIR, EDX and UV/Vis spectroscopy techniques. Antibacterial activity of NPs was assessed against methicillin- and vancomycin-resistance Staphylococcus aureus strains. Antifungal activity was investigated against Aspergillus flavus and A. parasiticus fungal species. Adsorbent capability with aflatoxin B1 (AFB1) was also assessed in solution. Ag-NPs showed superior antibacterial/antifungal activities and reduced the aflatoxins production in comparison to Fe-NPs and Cu-NPs. Adsorption capability of all NPs with AFB1 contamination was found in the order of Fe-NPs > Cu-NPs > Ag-NPs. The equilibrium data showed the favorability of Langmuir isotherm with the adsorption capacity (131–139 ng/mg), Cu-NPs (114–118 ng/mg) and Ag-NPs (110–115 ng/mg). Thermodynamic parameters and kinetic studies revealed that adsorption process is spontaneous, endothermic and followed the pseudo-second order. These results suggest that the synthesized NPs could be effectively utilize as an alternative antibacterial/antifungal agent against diseases caused by multiple drug resistant pathogens. In addition, these metal NPs may be utilize as a possible aflatoxins adsorbent in human food and animal feed such as rice, wheat, maize, red chillies and poultry feed

History, religion, and antisemitism

Gavin I. Langmuir's work on the formation and nature of antisemitism has earned him an international reputation. In History, Religion, and Antisemitism he bravely confronts the problems that arise when historians have to describe and explain religious phenomena, as any historian of antisemitism must. How, and to what extent, can the historian be objective? Is it possible to discuss Christian attitudes toward Jews, for example, without adopting the historical explanations of those whose thoughts and actions one is discussing? What, exactly, does the historian mean by "religion" or "religious"? Langmuir's original and stimulating responses to these questions reflect his inquiry into the approaches of anthropology, sociology, and psychology and into recent empirical research on the functioning of the mind and the nature of thought. His distinction between religiosity, a property of individuals, and religion, a social phenomenon, allows him to place unusual emphasis on the role of religious doubts and tensions and the irrationality they can produce. Defining antisemitism as irrational beliefs about Jews, he distinguishes Christian anti-Judaism from Christian antisemitism, demonstrates that antisemitism emerged in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries because of rising Christian doubts, and sketches how the revolutionary changes in religion and mentality in the modern period brought new faiths, new kinds of religious doubt, and a deadlier expression of antisemitism. Although he developed it in dealing with the difficult question of antisemitism, Langmuir's approach to religious history is important for historians in all areas

L’absence d’accusation de meurtre rituel à l’ouest du Rhône

Langmuir Gavin I. L’absence d’accusation de meurtre rituel à l’ouest du Rhône. In: Juifs et Judaïsme en Languedoc. Toulouse : Éditions Privat, 1977. pp. 235-249. (Cahiers de Fanjeaux, 12

‘Judei nostri' and the Beginning of Capetian Legislation

The ordinances on the Jews of 1223 and 1230 are generally described as the beginning of effective general legislation by the Capetians, yet agreement on the constitutional importance of the ordinances has not produced agreement on their precise meaning and significance. On the one hand, historians such as Esmein, Viollet, Declareuil, Chénon, Perrot, Fawtier, and Olivier-Martin, who followed Flammermont and Luchaire's analysis of royal legislative power, have held that all the provisions of both the 1223 and the 1230 ordinance bound both those who had consented and those who had not, and were applicable throughout the kingdom. On the other hand, an older view stemming from Brussel and Petiet, followed hesitantly by Glasson, and most recently advanced by Petit-Dutaillis, has maintained that, although the 1230 ordinance was applicable in its entirety throughout the kingdom, the ordinance of 1223 either applied in its entirety only to those who had consented to it, or else contained only one provision applicable to those who had not sworn to observe it. This disagreement results partly from ambiguities in the texts, but it is also a result of a failure to set the ordinances in the context of their avowed purposes.</jats:p