Access to Mobile Resources: How Does It Affect the Clerkship Experience?

Objectives: To evaluate the perceived benefits of access to library-licensed mobile clinical decision support resources in clinical medical education. Methods: A cohort of medical students was surveyed midway through the clerkship year. Dana Medical Library offered instruction on clinical mobile resources at the beginning of the year. Students were offered a subject guide and assistance with authentication. Assessment methods included web analytics measuring the utility of the subject guide and a survey. Survey questions gathered data on access to mobile devices, relevance of instruction, use of library-licensed mobile resources, and benefits and barriers to their use in the clinical setting. Students were also asked whether access to mobile resources facilitated comparable educational experiences across clerkship sites. Results: The survey was sent to all 111 students from the University of Vermont College of Medicine class of 2014; 31 completed the survey, with a completion rate of 28%. All respondents owned a mobile device, despite efforts to recruit both users and non-users. Nearly 75% of respondents reported using an iPhone. About 90% of respondents brought their mobile device on rotation. Generally, the wireless access at each clerkship site was rated good or excellent. Of the 60% of respondents who attended the instruction session on mobile resources, 94% found the class helpful. Half of the respondents looked at the Mobile Apps subject guide; 70% of those who did found it helpful. A significant increase in page views was reflected in subject guide usage statistics immediately following the instruction session. Approximately 25% of respondents sought out individual assistance at the library. Conclusions: Respondents suggested improvements to library instruction such as distributing access codes during the class and demonstrating installation of an app. A large number of students did not seek additional assistance from the library, citing they did not have any questions. While that may be because they found the subject guide and/or class sufficiently helpful, a significant number of respondents indicated they were unaware of the subject guide. This suggests a need for further promotion and marketing efforts. Researchers were surprised that nonlibrary licensed apps (ePocrates or Medscape) were valued over resources such as DynaMed, and that the most common barrier cited was not having access to appropriate apps. Finally, almost all of the participants who reported taking a mobile device on a rotation agreed it facilitated access to clinical information and improved the clerkship experience

LIVING WITHOUT GOD: FEMALE ATHEISTS AND STIGMA MANAGEMENT IN THE SOUTH OF THE UNITED STATES

This study focuses upon the experiences and perceptions of women Atheists in the Southern U.S., a region which is highly religious and, therefore, has comparatively low numbers of Atheists. Taking a Symbolic Interactionist approach, I examine how these Southern Atheists understood what it means to be an “Atheist,” how they became Atheist, their strategies to manage their stigmatized identity as Atheists, and finally the role gender has in managing this stigma. I utilize a Feminist methodology to investigate and foreground women’s experiences. I conducted participant observation at 23 Atheist and Humanist meetings in two southern cities in two different states; I also interviewed 51 Atheists, 40 female and 11 male. I found a variety of definitions for Atheism, though all participants agreed that they do not believe in god. This identity is also informed by political ideologies and philosophies that cultivate pro-social behavior. Participants also discussed what they perceived to be the best things about what it means to be an Atheist. I also examined the stages by which Atheists come to this identification especially as this relates to the importance of place and their experiences in educational, religious and family institutions and how these affected their decisions to self-identify as Atheist. Additionally, I investigated how Atheists undergo stigma management (and negative interactions) by selectively concealing their identity, which they based on what they believed others assumed about Atheists. Many strategies were used to assuage feelings of being uncomfortable. As a stigmatized group, they discuss the importance of community and social support. In addition, Atheists saw several parallels between their experiences and the LGBT community such as similar language and face prejudice and discrimination, even though they said that the Atheists can more easily “pass.” Atheist women manage their stigma by utilizing various tactics to avoid hurting the feelings of others. Female Atheists walk a fine line between being masculine and assertive when they identify as masculine and caring about the feelings of others. Participants also discussed the role gender plays in self-identifying as Atheist. Lastly, they explained that it is harder to be woman and an Atheist

A Vermont Romance Turns One Hundred: Vermont\u27s Earliest Surviving Photoplay

In 2016, a hundred-year-old film spent the year touring the northern half of Vermont, drawing audiences to refurbished opera houses and picture palaces. But the picture being celebrated for its centenary year was not D. W. Griffith\u27s Intolerance or Lois Weber\u27s Shoes, two of the best-known films made in 1916. Instead, Vermonters were watching what they believed to be the first feature film made in their state, the fetchingly titled photoplay A Vermont Romance. But A Vermont Romance is not a conventional feature picture. None of the people who appeared in the film had previous movie acting experience, and to our knowledge, none of them appeared in another film. The picture was not made by an upstart local production company hoping to enter the lucrative business of moviemaking. Instead, it was sponsored by a newspaper, the Vermont Advance, which in turn was established to promote a political organization, the Vermont Progressive Party. To complicate matters further, the film was not made by a Vermonter. Instead, it was shot by an English cameraman living in New York and a salesman and self-proclaimed movie director from Cleveland. While the film was seen widely in Vermont, which was the intent of its sponsor, it was not distributed out of state. Instead, it was celebrated at the time as one of the first statewide contest films and, after Photoplay magazine\u27s The Beauty and Brains contest, held the same year, the biggest contest of its type. Participants competed to win parts in the production, with forty regional winners plus two stars, who received the most votes statewide. One entered the contest by buying newspapers and newspaper subscriptions, or by convincing others to do the same. Although the paper claimed the contest a success, it was not successful enough to save the Vermont Advance, which folded within a year of the film\u27s debut. The Vermont Progressive Party did not last much longer either. Not surprisingly, none of the picture\u27s stars was able to parlay their screen debuts into an acting career. But the film itself survived, even though hundreds of nationally released movies made that year are lost, most likely destroyed by motion picture companies uninterested in keeping copies of their product.1 In this article, we discuss A Vermont Romance as two motion pictures. The first motion picture, made in 1916 as a contest film, is a significant example of how the cinema came to reflect and project ideas about social status, celebrity, and identity in the 1910s, when classical Hollywood cinema itself was being formed. The second motion picture, discovered by local historians in 1964, is an example of how popular ideas about what cinema was informs how old movies are received and reproduced in contemporary culture.2 For us, the story of A Vermont Romance is not a singular history of the film\u27s production, exhibition, and discovery but rather a dual history, one in [End Page 98] which the rediscovery of a film can be a transformative act, bringing a new significance to a work that was previously unknown to scholars, archivists, and popular audiences alike. For this reason, the story of the two Vermont Romance films provides a productive vantage point from which to think about the use and reuse of archival moving images in public history. With the recent success of Bill Morrison\u27s Dawson City: Frozen Time (2016) and Peter Jackson\u27s They Shall Not Grow Old (2018), both of which make use of film footage from the 1910s, we anticipate that public historians, curators, archivists, and programmers in museums, libraries, and archives will increasingly turn to film as a way to fill the gap between past and present. The generations of local historians and archivists who worked to make A Vermont Romance better known in their state present a unique case study of how the process of discovery, preservation, and representation can alter the perception of an archival film

Implementing the information prescription protocol in a family medicine practice: a case study.

QUESTION: Can an information prescription protocol be successfully integrated into a family medicine practice seeking to enhance patient education and self-management? SETTING: Milton Family Practice, an outpatient clinic and resident teaching site of the University of Vermont and Fletcher Allen Health Care, is located in a semirural area fifteen miles from main campus. OBJECTIVES: The objectives were to increase physicians\u27 knowledge and use of information prescriptions, sustain integration of information prescription use, and increase physicians\u27 ability to provide patient education information. METHODS: Methods used were promotion of the National Library of Medicine\u27s Information Rx, physician instruction, installation of patient and provider workstations, and a collaborative approach to practice integration. MAIN RESULTS: A post-intervention survey showed increased physician knowledge and use of the Information Rx protocol. Support procedures were integrated at the practice. CONCLUSIONS: Sustainable integration of Information Rx in a primary care clinic requires not only promotion and education, but also attention to clinic organization and procedures

Cheminement des carrières de direction dans la fonction publique au Canada

Cet article présente un résumé d'une étude entreprise auprès des hauts fonctionnaires dans la fonction publique du Canada. Elle porte sur le cheminement des carrières et touche aussi à la mobilité, à l'occupation et aux sources de recrutement.Who are the most capable executives in the Federal Public Service ? What are their experience characteristics ? How mobile have they been ? What are their academic backgrounds ? How does age relate to seniority and earning power ?These and related questions must be answered if manpower at upper government levels is to be managed more effectively.A fourteen-month study recently completed by the Personnel Consulting Division, Bureau of Management Consulting Services, Ottawa, has made a major contribution towards providing these answers.In the Public Service of Canada, at the time the study was made in July, 1965, there were some 625 executives with salaries ranging from $16,000 to$30,000. These are the men and women who fill the top three or four levels in each department or agency. Officially, they are known as Senior Officers 1, 2, 3. and Deputy Ministers (Deputy Heads).Data on 591 of these executives was obtained from files and various other sources, coded and fed into a Bendix G-20 computer along with some 40 questions, the answers to which provided the following information :The typical executive is 51 years old and probably has a B.A. in Social Management Sciences (Arts, History, Political Science, Commerce, Sociology, etc.). While he could have graduated from any university in any province, the chances are greatest that he obtained his degree from the University of Toronto. He has had military service, reads a second language and joined the Public Service at a junior managerial level at 34 years of age, after having worked outside the Public Service for 11 years.At the time of his appointment to the executive level, he was 46 years of age and had 23 years of working experience. As of July 1, 1967, he had 28 years working experience and was earning $21,000 a year.BASIC PERSONAL DATAIn considering the personal data in more detail, it was found that ages ranged from 30 to 69, with an average age of 51.2. The average ages for the four levels (Senior Officer 1, 2, 3, and Deputy Minister — Deputy Head), were 50.3 52.6, 51.7 and 54.9 years respectively. The similarity of the averages implies career progression problems and also highlights the serious executive replacement problem the government faces in the next 10-15 years.A relatively high level of education was found among the government's top executives. 81$14,000 plus). Close to 20% entered directly at the executive level.SALARYAs of July 1, 1967, the average executive in the Public Service of Canada was earning $20,927 a year.It should be noted that this is a total figure because Public Servants do not receive bonusses or stock options, and there is not profit to be « profit-shared ».For the three career path categories they were :Public Service Only$21,297Private-Public 20,861Public-Private-Public 20,862Subsequent to this study, the government released proposed salary scales for the executive levels ranging from a maximum of $23,500 for Senior Executive Officers 1 up to a maximum of$40,000 for certain Deputy Ministers.APPOINTMENT TO EXECUTIVE LEVELThe average age at time of appointment to the Senior Officer 1 level was 45.6, to the SO 2 level 48, SO 3 level 47 and DM-DH 52. The similarity of these figures is interesting, since one would expect an executive to progress from the lowest to highest level. Also, based on today's standards, the ages would appear to be rather high.TRENDS IN AGE AT APPOINTMENTIt is generally believed that there has been a trend to appoint younger officers to the executive levels, but the study casts some doubt on the belief, certainly as far as government is concerned. However, more recent data obtained since the completion of the study indicates a change in the trend with the average ages of Senior Officers 1 appointed in 1966, 1967 and 1968, decreasing from 48 to 46 to 43 years respectively.EXPERIENCEThe average government executive has 28 years experience, almost two-thirds of which will have been spent in the Public Service. He will have spent about 15% in the category we called « Business and Self-Employed » and 10% in military service.However, there were indications that the more time executives spent in industry the less capable they were of adjusting to the political and Public Service atmosphere. Similarly it was found that extended career military service tended to reduce the rate of progress.RECRUITMENTPrior to July, 1967, about 76% of all appointments to the executive level were made from within the individuals present department and about 9% were from other departments. Therefore, some 85% of all appointments were from within the Public Service. Of the remaining 15%, some 10% came from Industry and 5% were recruited from Provincial Governments (2.4%), Universities (1.5%) and the Armed Forces (.3%).MOBILITYWithin the Public Service, a great interest has recently developed in the movement, or lack of movement, of management level personnel from one department to another. Traditionally, Public Servants have tended to remain in one department, rising to senior levels within what many claim to be a narrow occupational field.From the findings it appeared that moving from one department to another, within the Public Service, tended to improve the possibilities of achieving more rapid progress.A further analysis of movement after reaching the executive level showed that slightly more than 12% of all executives changed departments at least once after reaching this level and 1.3% had changed twice. This figure is changing rapidly as over 30% of the appointments made in 1968, at the executive level, resulted in movement between departments

Coriolis force in Geophysics: an elementary introduction and examples

We show how Geophysics may illustrate and thus improve classical Mechanics lectures concerning the study of Coriolis force effects. We are then interested in atmospheric as well as oceanic phenomena we are familiar with, and are for that reason of pedagogical and practical interest. Our aim is to model them in a very simple way to bring out the physical phenomena that are involved.Comment: Accepted for publication in European Journal of Physic