明暗間的居士：兩漢文獻中所見之拋卻權力行為

International audienceÉtienne Balazs, a historian and a central figure of European sinology, once described Chinese historiography as the “most massive monument erected to celebrate one social class, (…) written by scholar-officials and for scholar-officials. This implied that all the other social groups were condemned to silence or to a role of only secondary importance”. This article presents some reflections about the presence in Han historiography of strange persons: they ought to be, or they may have been officials, but they decided to retire, far away from the center of power. At a time when Han Empire was said to approach the id eal state of Great Peace, this kind of political eremitism raised some specific problems which were discussedin a good many of texts, especially in Shiji, Fayan and Hanshu. In these texts, political hermit is a very literary figure. The natural destiny of a hermit may be to go forgotten as he leaves political scene, but historian gives him his literary existence and his place in human memory as he discovers him and sheds light on him. In Han historiography, political hermit may represent the example of a civilizing influence which does not necessarily go through the exercise of administrative or political power, and the example of a potential mobility

「子長多愛，愛奇也」 : 揚雄《法言》中對《史記》的論述與傳承 以漢代儒家的問題為例 1

International audienceThe Fayan by Yang Xiong contains the earliest appraisal about Sima Qian and his Shiji, as well as a considerable number of historical judgments about various figures from Warring States era onto Yang Xiong’s contemporary period, on the eve of Wang Mang’s seizure of power. The aim of the present article is to consider this first reception of Shiji, not only in the frame of what Yang Xiong did actually say about Sima Qian, but also in the frame of what Yang Xiong did do, by formulating new judgments about figures already evaluated by Sima Qian before. We will keep here our comment to the problem of evaluating foremost Han literati such as Shusun Tong or Gongsun Hong and of the relationship between their classical knowledge and imperial power.Béatrice L'Haridon 羅逸東 佛光大學歷史學系助理教授，École Pratique des Hautes Études (法國) 博士後研究人員 揚雄的《法言》部分是一本很特殊的 « 史記學 »，包含着最早期對司馬遷的 評論 。嚴格來看，《法言》不是一個歷史著作，但其中一個重要的意向在於歷 史人物的褒貶評論。我們經常視《法言》為模擬《論語》的空前文學嘗試，而忽 略《法言》的對象，除了《論語》之外，另有《史記》。《漢書》的〈揚雄傳〉 裡頭有兩種解釋，最簡單的解釋處於本傳的「贊」裡面 :「傳莫大於論語，作法 言」 2 。而最完整的的解釋處於「贊」前面「自序」的部分 : 3 「雄見諸子各以其知舛馳，大氐詆訾聖人，即為怪迂，析辯詭辭， 以撓世事，雖小辯，終破大道而或[惑]眾，使溺於所聞而不自知其 非也。及太史公記六國，歷楚漢，訖麟止，不與聖人同，是非頗謬 於經。故人時有問雄者，常用法應之，譔以為十三卷，象論語，號 曰法言。」 4 按此介紹，揚雄在《法言》中的目標為回復經典的精神，以聖人為標準，可 以說是一種新型的 「經典主義」(classicism) 5 。但揚雄的「經典主義」 以春秋末 1 感謝李紀祥教授給筆者如此珍貴的機會，也非常感謝蔣經國基金會的支持。 2 班固，漢書，北京 : 中華，1983 年，頁 3583。 3 有關《揚雄傳》贊前的部分是否揚雄親筆的自序，可參考 David Knechtges 的討論 : The Han Shu Biography of Yang Xiong (53 B.C.-A.D.18), Tempe, Center for Asian Studies, Arizona State University, 1982. 一個重要的論點，可以證明《揚雄傳》包含著完整的揚雄自序，在於它與司馬遷之自序的 許多共同點。作者個人認為揚雄寫自序時是以司馬遷之自序為模範。如同司馬遷自序後面有他的 代表著作《史記》的目次，揚雄自序後面有《法言》的目次。且《揚雄傳》異常的贊文特別長， 又分為敘述及評論兩個階段，最有可能是因為要分別補充《法言》後揚雄生平的紀錄，而不要將 補充的部分加入到揚雄自序原文，所以班固才會用贊的部分來敘述揚雄的晚年。如果贊前面不是 自序，那麼很難理解《揚雄傳》特殊結構的原因。 4 同上，頁 3580。 5 參考 Michael Nylan, « The Birth of Classicism in China », 法蘭西公學院 (Collège de France), 2009 年 6 月 23 日的演講。感謝 Nylan 教授寄給作者未出版的論文

La recherche du modèle dans les dialogues du Fayan de Yang Xiong (53 av. J.-C. – 18 apr. J.-C.) : écriture, éthique et réflexion historique à la fin des Han occidentaux.

At the end of the Western Han dynasty, Yang Xiong (53 B.C. – A.D. 18) wrote the Fayan by taking as a model the Analects, by Confucius. The attempt, unprecedented at the time, was both a literary challenge and a way to critically synthesize the main scholarly and political trends of his own time. This process of imitation, its originality of which would later form the basis for a broad rejection of Yang Xiong being characterized as an usurper or conservative, constitutes the central point of our study, to show how the imitation was the means of a transformation. The first chapter deals with the situation of Yang Xiong as a scholar from Shu. Several sources illuminate the specific nature of the literary tradition in Shu during the Han period, which helps to better understand the situation of Yang Xiong as an official after his arrival in the capital. The second chapter turns to the Fayan itself, examining its different and complex ways of imitation, and the underlying conception of the text. The third chapter shows that the ethical life, as developed by the Fayan, is conceived as a personal metamorphosis in which Confucius plays a central role as master. However, this remote master, sometimes referred to as holy man, must be proved or tested against a historical reflexion embracing a great number of figures from the pre-imperial period and the Qin and Han empires. This study includes a complete annotated translation of the Fayan. A biographical list of the historical figures, a detailed chronology and an index of editions and commentaries on the Fayan are offered in the appendices.Alors que la dynastie des Han occidentaux touche à sa fin, Yang Xiong (53 av. J.-C. – 18 apr. J.-C.) écrit le Fayan sur le modèle des Entretiens de Confucius. Cette tentative sans précédent est à la fois un défi littéraire et une manière de proposer la synthèse critique des courants de pensée et des questions politiques de son époque. Ce procédé d’imitation, suffisamment original pour susciter plus tard un large rejet de Yang Xiong comme usurpateur ou conservateur, constitue précisément le centre de notre étude, qui cherche à montrer comment cette imitation fut le lieu et le moyen d’une transformation. Le premier chapitre est consacré à une analyse de la situation de Yang Xiong en tant que lettré originaire de Shu. Plusieurs sources nous montrent en effet la spécificité de la tradition lettrée à Shu et celle-ci nous permet de mieux comprendre la position de Yang Xiong en tant que fonctionnaire après son arrivée dans la capitale. Le deuxième chapitre se tourne vers le Fayan en se proposant d’étudier les différents procédés d’imitation qui y sont à l’oeuvre, et quelle conception du texte est sous-jacente à cette complexe entreprise littéraire. Dans un troisième chapitre, nous montrons que le Fayan développe une vie éthique conçue comme transformation de soi, où Confucius pris pour maître joue un rôle central. Cependant ce maître lointain doit être prouvé, ou éprouvé, par une réflexion historique qui embrasse un grand nombre de personnages de l’époque pré-impériale et des dynasties Qin et Han. Cette étude inclut une traduction intégrale et annotée du Fayan. En annexe sont donnés un index biographique des personnages historiques, une chronologie détaillée et une liste des éditions et commentaires du Fayan

Wang Mang: How to became an emperor?

International audienceAlthough the title of my paper may sound ironical, as if we could learn from Wang Mang's political experience a simple recipe to become an emperor, I would like to give here a glimpse at the seriousness, the progressivity and the complexity of the path which led Wang Mang (ca 45 BC. BC-AD 23) from his position as a minister to that of an emperor. A descriptive account of this very process was first given by Gu Jiegang in the 14th chapter of his Qin Han de fangshi yu rusheng, but since then, not much attention has been paid to this aspect of Wang Mang's period/political achievement. Studies generally focuses on the judgment given on this highly debated figure, which implies to discuss more his value as a sovereign than his significance as a man who built a path or a continuity between the role of minister and that of sovereign. Even though the historical figure of Wang Mang has been almost unanimously condemned in Chinese historiography, we will still study in detail the circumstances of his seizure of power since, far from suddenly arrogating the imperial title, he has built at every stage of his career paths of legitimacy, so that he appears to have established a continuum between the role of the minister and that of the sovereign.In this process, Wang Mang masterly combined ritual elaboration, rhetorical tools and also, more conventionally, physical violence, as limited as possible, so as to match the great sages of the past. Here, I will mainly stress the imitation of the Duke of Zhou, who presents the characteristics to offer a complete scheme for creating a continuity between minister and sovereign

揚雄《法言》中的孔子形象

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The ‘Li yun’ 禮運 (Movement of Ritual), from a chapter in a Han ritual compendium to an universal sacred text: Kang Youwei’s 康有爲 (1857-1927) hermeneutical technics

International audienceKang Youwei’s Liyun zhu 禮運注 (Commentary of the “Liyun”) takes the shape of a classical commentary, intended to explain the meaning of the “Liyun” chapter, paragraph by paragraph. This chapter, which articulates through a loose dialogue between Confucius and his disciple Ziyou 子游 a general reflection on the evolution and the necessity of ritual, and more technical notes on sacrifices, had been relatively neglected until the Qing dynasty. Yet, Kang Youwei turns it into a central text in the intellectual and political history, if not a prophecy, and in the course of his commentary develops some key notions of his reformist and universalist vision: progress (jinhua 進化), equality (pingdeng 平等), autonomy (zili 自立). Why and how did Kang Youwei make use of the commentary genre in order to introduce and develop his modernist ideal of “Grand Unity” (Datong 大同)? Or put it more metaphorically, why and how did he pour new wine in old skins? As a reader of Han and Tang commentaries of the “Liyun,” I will try in this article to read Kang’s text with a specific attention to the “old skins,” that is to the diverse hermeneutical technics he puts into practice: philological notes, quotations of ancient commentaries, reorganization of the text, reference to other classical texts, combined with the use of recently imported concepts and comparison with other civilizations

Mémoires historiques (Shiji)

Les Mémoires historiques, œuvre‑monde développant cinq genres historiographiques différents, voués à embrasser toute l’histoire de la civilisation connue, se présentent à la fois comme l’œuvre personnelle, et parfois subversive, de Sima Tan et Sima Qian, et comme une œuvre fondatrice pour la tradition historiographique chinoise, officielle ou non.The Grand Scribe’s Records is a magnum opus that develops five distinct historiographical genres, destined to embrace the whole history of known civilization. They appear as personal, sometimes subversive work by Sima Tan and Sima Qian, and, at the same time, as foundational work for the Chinese historiographical tradition, official or not

Maîtres Mots

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Ban Biao’s Essay on the Kingly Mandate (Wangming lun) and the idea of a dynastic history

International audienceAccording to the "Summary" (lüelun 略論) of the Houzhuan 後傳 by Ban Biao 班彪 (zi Shupi, 3-54), his first aim was "to continue the Book of the Grand Annalist" 續太史公書, as other scholars did before him, Chu Shaosun 褚少孫, Liu Xiang 劉向, Liu Xin 劉歆 or Yang Xiong 揚雄 being the most famous among them. How did it come that this continuation of the Shiji became the first dynastic history, which was completed by his son, Ban Gu 班固 (zi Mengjian, 32-92), and his daughter, Ban Zhao 班昭 (zi Huiji, c. 48-c. 120) and would have a deep influence on later historiography? This question implies two different kinds of problem. First, a familial problem, the transmission of an historiographical task from Ban Biao, who lived the turmoil following the end of the Xin dynasty to his son Ban Gu, who lived during the first reigns of Later Han Dynasty, having sometimes very near relationship with the Emperor; second a theoretical one: It is generally taken for granted that the political vision developed in Ban Biao's Essay on the Kingly Mandate was determinant for the "invention" of dynastic history, and that there is a continuity, a straight line, between this essay and the composition of the Hanshu . Here I would like to further examine this possible continuity