What the West Should Do in Response to Russia's Invasion of Ukraine

Russia's unprovoked military invasion of Ukraine is unparalleled in Europe since 1945 and has already impacted practically all aspects of Western security. This article outlines ten steps the West should take in response. These include designating Russia as a terrorist state, implementing a no-fly zone, and blocking the import of Russian oil and gas

Ukraine’s current political turmoil is rooted in the erosion of its democracy

Ukraine is in the midst of civil unrest, following protests which began after the failure to sign an Association Agreement with the EU in November. Taras Kuzio writes that the conflict stems from the persistent erosion of democracy in the country. He suggests that the current government leaders cannot salvage their political futures and, despite their best efforts, Ukraine will not become more like Russia

Ukraine and the European Union: Time for a Re-Think. ACES Working Papers, 2011

There are two reasons for the virtual nature of the West’s dialogue with Ukraine. The first is institutional as the EU has until now only been willing to use ‘carrots’ and ‘sticks’ in ‘enlargement-heavy’ (i.e. full membership) whereas it has only used ‘carrots,’ but never ‘sticks’, in ‘enlargement-light’ (i.e. the DCFTA). European Council Foreign Relations Senior Fellows Nicu Popescu and Andrew Wilson argue that the EU should be more willing to use both carrots and sticks; that is integrating its soft and hard power. The second is a disconnection between the West and Kyiv over definitions of democracy. The Ukrainian authorities have until now wanted to have their cake and eat it, too; rolling back democracy in Kyiv while claiming to sign up to ‘European values’ in Brussels

Ukraine is heading for new parliamentary elections, but the country still lacks real political parties

On 25 August, Ukraine’s President, Petro Poroshenko, dissolved parliament and called new elections for 26 October. Taras Kuzio provides an overview of Ukraine’s party system ahead of the elections, noting that in many respects the country still lacks genuine political parties of the kind found in other European states. He argues that without strong political parties it will be difficult to establish a real parliamentary democracy in Ukraine

Comparative perspectives on Communist successor parties in Central-Eastern Europe and Eurasia

The article builds on Ishiyama's (1998) seminal study of Communist successor parties [Ishiyama, J.T., 1998. Strange bedfellows: explaining political cooperation between communist successor parties and nationalists in Eastern Europe. Nations and Nationalism 4(1), 61–85] by providing the first comparative study of the fate of Communist successor parties in Eurasia and Central-Eastern Europe. The article outlines four paths undertaken by Communist parties in former Communist states: those countries that rapidly transformed Communist parties into center-left parties; countries that were slower at achieving this; countries with imperial legacies; and Eurasian autocracies. The fate of successor Communist parties is discussed within the parameters of previous regime type, political opposition in the Communist era and the nationality question

What prospects for peace following Armenia’s election?

Armenia held a parliamentary election on 20 June. The election, which came less than a year after the country’s war with Azerbaijan, produced a victory for the Civil Contract party, led by Armenia’s Prime Minister, Nikol Pashinyan. Taras Kuzio argues that in the aftermath of the vote, there remain clear barriers to peace between the two countries

Yulia Tymoshenko's policies sit uneasily with her image as a pro-European politician

Yulia Tymoshenko, who played a major part in Ukraine's Orange Revolution, is typically regarded as one of the most high profile pro-western figures in Ukrainian politics. Taras Kuzio argues that despite this reputation, her policies on a number of key issues are at odds with her pro-European image