134 research outputs found
Modernism or tradition in low-technology? A humanistic perspective on the architecture of Paulina Wojciechowska
Low-tech is an important, but at the same time largely underestimated movement of contemporary architecture. The first part of this paper attempts to discuss the characteristics of this phenomenon in the context of the grand ideas of Modernism
and demonstrate how important it is to define it. The existing definitions of low-tech presented in the second part of the article bear a significant downside as they only focus on the physical aspects of this movement, i.e. materials and methods of construction. The third part of the paper suggests an alternative definition which allows extending research to include a psychological perspective onto the movement and incorporates the motivation of the creators and users of low-tech architecture. Based on the case study of Paulina Wojciechowskaâs work and the newly proposed definition combined with a model based on the psychological theory developed by Erich Fromm, the paper attempts to introduce a narrativ
Cain and Abel: German urban modernisation movement 1968-1998
1 Introduction
Adam and Eve had two children: Cain and Abel. Cain ploughed the ground, Abel was a shepherd. Cain understood the forces of nature, Abel understood the living creatures and their world. When we take a look at todayâs world we can see the sons of both Cain and Abel. The first ones are carpenters, technicians, engineers and mechanics. The latter are teachers, doctors, artists and sociologists. When two mothers came to Salomon arguing about which of them a child belongs to, he turned out to be a psychologist worthy of Abelâs house. He ordered to cut the child in half knowing that the real mother would never let this happen.
But when King Salomon wanted to build a temple on the slopes of Jerusalem, he needed a constructor. He then asked Hiram, who came from Cainâs house. He knew how to put stones together to make the construction stand for ages. Cain did not think about the social results when he constructed a machine. Even if Abel knew about sociology, he couldnât much without the techniques. This is why they needed each other so much. Cain had to learn to be Abelâs child and Abel Cainâs. Generation 68 created two trends which were seemingly hostile despite living side by side. Seemingly â because in reality they needed each other.
In German consciousness and language, there is a definition of âGeneration 68â.The idea is connected with a turning point in the Germanyâs post-war history. The generation not only rejected the old values but also faced the need of defining new aims. The changing picture of German mentality affected architecture and town planning too and it was reflected in the design culture. The changes were so important that many contemporary trends have their roots in this time. In the ideological pot of the dreamersâ generation, two trends may be distinguished:
⢠The first one, which may be called techno-authoritative, was an effect of fascination with opportunities that were offered by the new civilisation. Creators of this trend made experiments with new technologies, emphasising their possibilities and tried to enchant with their beauty.
⢠The second may be called eco-social. It emphasised the connections of architecture with social aspects and believed in the spontaneous power of non-architects. Architects of this trend propagated the method of participation and broadened the role of an architect who now became a consultant, an initiator-mediator between the world of technology, bureaucracy and the end-user.
Only in the 1960s did the two trends get close, yet coming from the same source they split up into two antagonistic approaches. Between those two polarities, an ideological war would take place in the next decades. The dynamics and the change of the idea of design methods may be illustrated by the changing concepts concerning town planning designs: âSanierungâ, âErneuerungâ, âBehutsame Erneuerungâ, âEntwicklungâ, âEntwicklung durch Innenentwicklungâ and finally âWandel ohne Wachstumâ.
2 Revitalisation
The first confrontation of these trends was provoked by the events connected with âBaufforderunggesetzâ that was started in 1971. On the one hand, it was an ideal setting in which the architects and town planners could demonstrate their skills when they replaced the buildings that had been knocked down with huge blocks of flats, mega-structures and huge town investments like âIhmmezentrumâ in Hannover. On the other hand, it caused protests which were an unprecedented phenomenon. Fortunately, in Hannover the citizen initiative (âBurger Initiativeâ) supported by architects managed to stop the knocking-down and create an alternative for the revitalisation of the district. A similar situation was to be observed in many other German towns. Huge new buildings were replacing old districts that had been knocked down before and were the sign of new technological and economic possibilities. However, they hardly took into account the social aspects. This led to a conflict with the architects from the eco-social trend.
3 Revival
As the dispute between the town planners, municipal authorities and investors became more and more ideological, there emerged a need for an objective assessment of the tearing-downs and new constructions. The aim was to prepare an optimal strategy (Optimale Strategie). In this context, the research made by the Hannover Institute fur socialbezogene Landschaftsplannung and similar institutions from Hamburg, Essen and Berlin was very important. The paper presents the results in the context of the Polish situation. The most interesting was the research started by Deutchen Forschungsgemeinschaft under the leadership of Rudiger Bucholtz and Marie Spitthofer. One of their âUntersuchungsbereichâ was to compare the poorest, low-standard suburbs for the working class inhabitants, such as Berlin-Kreuzberg, Berlin-Moabit, Hannover-Linden and Hamburg-Altona. The researchers stated that the most reasonable solution in districts like those is âEntkernungâ. This might intensify the social contacts, expand the green areas and thus increase the intensity of their usage. The action of âEntkernungâ in Berlin and Hannover lodged social protests and did not bring the expected results. After 10 years, M.Spitthofer subjected herself to criticism and admitted that she had made a mistake. In the magazine âDas Gartenamtâ she admitted that the then conclusions turned out to be a failure.
4 Careful town revival (Behutsame Stadterneuerung)
In 1979, the voice of protesting inhabitants and the eco-social trends was heard for the first time. That year, the next IBA started as a continuation of Berlin Architectural Exhibitions. It was entitled âInnenstadt als Wohnortâ and the end with its summary was planned for 1987. One of its main aims was to listen to the arguments of the protesting inhabitants and to find alternative renovation solutions. Many organisations fighting for the inhabitantsâ rights came into being as a result of the exhibition. One of the most important ones was STRN âGesellschaft der Behutsame Stadterneuerungâ GmbH, which was formed from IBA-Alt on 1 January 1984. Their programme encompassed 80 high-rise blocks in the East Berlin cut off from Kreuzburg town by a motorway. Their methods developed throughout years became a symbol of the new thinking. The organisation and its programme was to become a turning point in German architectural thought. Their 12-point programme was to be heard far outside Kreuzburg.
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5 Inward development (Innenentwicklung)
We are now at the time of the next IBA which is devoted to the Ruhr district issues and is to be officially summed up in 1999. It is the proof of how the âBehutsame Stadt Erneuerungâ ideas have been polished up and became one of the main trends in the design culture in Germany, not to say its showcase. The fact that IBA, with the motto âWandel ohne Wachstumâ (change without growth), represented Germany at the VI Architektur Biennale in Venice in 1996 may be the proof of it. The director of the new IBA, professor Karl Ganser, stresses the fact that town development does not need to accompany town expansion. The development of towns should rather be formed as inward development (âInnenenticklungâ) which is an improvement of the already existing âtissueâ. The thesis that revalorization became the architectsâ target to a much greater degree that building of âthe newâ contradicts the idea of techno-authoritative trend of the 1970s and is a proof of the change in mentality. Although the latter of the trends mentioned is still alive, it is more and more rarely observed in the residential construction. At the same time, one can observe the two trends becoming ever closer. The word sustainability becomes the most commonly used both in relation to the tasks set in the western parts of Germany and to those concerning blocks of flats in the east parts. It defines architecture as a process
Superadobe design and building works preparation
Preparation for summer workshop â model making of a superadobe dome ArchiLOVE â Student Research Group â coordinated by M.M. Kolakowski [Organisation, facilitation
Superadobe
3-week student workshop for ArchiLOVE - Student Research Group - coordinated by M.M. Kolakowski: flexible foundation, waterproofing, French drain, ramming superadobe [Organisation, facilitation, research
How technocrats hijacked antipedagogy
Visions for Architectural Education â Unpublished voice in internal departmental discussion about forms of education [Action Research Contribution]
Based on Dissertation Dr Marcin Mateusz KoĹakowski (Ph.D, inĹź. arch., Dipl, -Ing)
Supervisor : Dr. Sarah Amsler
University of Lincoln: February 2013
Introduction â barking up the wrong authority
Zygmunt Bauman (2007) in his book Liquid Times: Living in an Age of Uncertainty offers a deep insight into changes of the post-industrial, hyper capitalist, free-market culture. During the whole 20th century â as Bauman observed â we were afraid that the danger to our society lurks from one or another kind of authoritarian, totalitarian political system. During the century, the futurist visions envisaged this gloomy dystopian reality either in form of Orwellian 1984 world or in the shape of Huxleyan âBrave New Worldâ. According to Bauman, the present time is surprisingly different. Most of our problems, dangers and anxieties come unexpectedly from the opposite direction. None of the great totalitarian authorities of technologically-developed part of the world wants to take our freedom away; to the contrary, we have no choice but to take the freedom, which as Baumann notes, comes with a psychological burden. In consumerism, deregulated, laissez-faire, individualistic culture, it is not the case that public authorities want to invade our private lives but just opposite â the public sphere is invaded by the private sphere. We pay more attention to private lives of politicians, celebrities and even individuals in talk shows than global politics and social issues. Bauman calls it âliquid modernityâ, where everything not necessarily âwants to beâ but âhas to beâ incohesive, light, ever-changing, non-committed â liquid. Foucault's panopticon became too expensive â says Bauman â today no one wants to put us to any prison; instead we have to lock ourselves there, self-guard and pay for renting the prison cell. No one forces us in any direction, we have to self-direct. Yet the new world order, just like the old, operates beyond our reach. There is, however, an important twist: we cannot make demands because it has no return address; there are no offices, no one to talk to, it operates outside our borders, with only a logo, a passive email box and recorded phone messages.
Although Bauman did not discuss âlearningâ as such, his argument could help us to understand the peculiar situation in which education theory found itself today.
Western pedagogical philosophy has gone a long way since the time of the so called black pedagogy of Sulzer (1784) quoted at the beginning of this essay to todayâs antiauthoritarian theories of critical pedagogy such as Illitch, Kincheloe or Paulo Freire. Something that was once subversive and revolutionary is today often applauded by the official bodies shaping educational policy which are more than happy to quote what is supposedly Einsteinâs thoughts about letting students free â ânot teaching themâ but offering them âconditionsâ instead of the knowledge. Isnât this a success of humanity over bureaucracy? It seems hard to argue against these ideas, but why is it that as a teacher much too often have I received emails like the third quotation opening this essay?
In the first part of this essay I would like to look at how the idea of ârenegotiating power in the classroom with studentsâ developed historically. I would like to show that even if some of the current educational policies do indeed refer to this antiauthoritarian tradition which has been developing for over a hundred years, these ideas have been highjacked â they have been decontextualized from their initial intention, they now miss their crucial elements or were cherry picked to serve a different purpose altogether. Secondly â as Baumann pointed out â the antiauthoritarian theory started to be less relevant than anticipated and new problems of liquid times are waiting to be challenged by new theories and new practice.
In the second part of the essay, I will analyze the debate which is now present in architectural education between concerning intelligent base teaching (IBD) vs. narrative teaching. Fierce arguments from both sides show a situation where the authoritarian tradition, after becoming an established and accepted form of teaching establishment, now provokes doubts, discontent and pushes some groups of scholars towards alternative methods of teaching. This debate itself constitutes an interesting case study which shows a kind of crisis of antiauthoritarian thoughts, although it still does not show straightforward and convincing answers as to how to resolve the problem.
At the end of the essay I would like to outline some suggestions towards resolving the deadlock. The proposed strategy of ecological teaching will be based on personal experience in the course of architecture
The third destruction of Hannover: EXPO 2000
The Third Destruction of Hannover: EXPO 2000
In 1992, Hannover authorities held a referendum on the publicâs support of EXPO. 51.5% of people voted for, and 48.5% voted against with the turnout of 61.7%. The result was an 8-year-long argument between the Hannoverians as well as between the political and economic forces. The paper presents the arguments of both sides in the context of town planning history of Hannover. It sets the town as an example of how dangerous the phenomenon of festivalisation can be to the town fabric.
The policy of expansion
A war between politicians, social initiatives, town planners, sociologists and businessmen has begun. While the conservationists and sociologists say that there is no town development without the inhabitantsâ engagement, the authorities represented by Lehman-Grube reply: âIf we had started from a discussion, the international exhibition would be out of the question now.â
The exhibition is to take place from 1 June to 31 October 2000 in the south part of Hannover-Kreuzberg. It will have a motto âMan, Nature, Techniqueâ. It will encompass the area of 160 ha, 90 of which belong to the already existing trade areas and the remaining 70 are designed for new investments.180 countries and organisations are expected to present themselves in their national pavilions at the exhibition. The number of guests is assessed at 265,000 daily, which makes 40 million during the time of the exhibition. The citizens are convinced that Hannover must get rid of the imprint of a provincial town and outshine other towns. The economic development triggered by the event is to become a positive impulse for the town and the region. Municipal authorities count on the influx of new investors. Transportation system - roads, railways and the new infrastructure for public transport are to be modernised. EXPO has been planned to initiate housing estate constructions. During the referendum 6,500 flats were promised although the number has now been decreased to 2000. According to the supporters, the exhibition is to become a catalyst of new investments and leave behind many architectural attractions, such as exhibition pavilions, a concert-sport hall etc. It may contribute to the creation of a smog-free town.
Various concepts
The beginning of the 1990s saw a series of workshops whose aim was to present the role of EXPO as well as its ideological and spatial frames. Interdisciplinary meetings were full of inspiring visions from the very start. The contest for the exhibition organization ultimately selected four concepts:
⢠Decentralised model which assumed that the exhibition will be organised in several places simultaneously, thus creating an impulse for development in different parts of the town.
⢠Model along Mittelkanal, which suggested holding the EXPO exhibition along the canal crossing the town on undeveloped areas and wastelands where there are many decaying factories.
⢠Model along Leine, which connected the most attractive parts of the town on the river Leine with the exhibition area.
⢠Model Kronsberg, which assumed that the exhibition area will directly neighbour the site of the existing trade area. Later, after 2000 these would become partly housing estates and partly the EXPO museum. This project has been accepted.
⢠Opposition
The opponents of EXPO warned of its unnatural growth. All the investments must be implemented in 2000. The system of transportation (both bus and railways) converges in Kronsberg while many other town investments have been stopped. âThis is a wrong way,â say the town planners and sociologists. âIf EXPO must take place, it should activate the whole town instead of creating the new âcenterâ in the suburbs.â Shiny slogans were to compensate for the uneven development; âThe town and region as an exhibitâ, âThe town as a gardenâ, âThe programme of climate protection KLEXâ etc.
Unfortunately, most projects chosen by the jury concerned Kronsberg. In May 1995, during a panel discussion, a sociologist Ulfred Herlyn noticed: âKronsberg is clearly going to get crowned as an only architectural achievement in Hannover that is worth taking notice and weâre close to achieving that. If we succeed, we will seal the unfortunate division into the privileged south and the neglected north. I doubt we will ever get the chance to balance that.â
Indeed the town has long suffered from the dissonance between its north inhabited mostly by working class people and foreigners, and the rich south district. Elitist-ecological housing estates of Kronsberg will certainly not solve the problem.
The problem of social stratification is appointed clearly as well. While the Hannoverians who own some property will get richer, the poor will get even poorer when the rent and cost of living increase. Many initiatives against EXPO have been taken up. Over 30 of them joined in âBundnis gegen EXPOâ and âAnti EXPO A.G.â Others focused around The Greens and the civic initiatives of inhabitants from those parts of the town that neighbour with the future exhibition grounds. The declared increase of workplaces and the solution to housing problems are highly doubted. There is no need for middle and high-standard flats whereas the cheapest are still sought after. This shortage cannot be satisfied with luxurious âecologicalâ apartments at Kronsberg.
The Greens warn against the one-sided transport modernization that gives the green light to the road traffic but has nothing to do with environment protection. Against the promises, no action has been taken to restrict the road traffic of passenger vehicles. According to the Interplan survey, 41.4% of guests will come by cars, 33.5% by buses, 9.1% by planes and only 15.9% will choose trains. Ecological investments seem ridiculously low as compared to the losses, according to EXPO critics. Carbon dioxide that is going to be emitted during the touristsâ invasion in the five months of the exhibition will be higher than the emission that could be decreased in the next 20 years thanks to the KLEX programm
The fourth pillar of architecture: German examples of living environment valorisation
INTRODUCTION
It is possible to take pictures of a building from all its sides, measure it very precisely, catalogue it, and yet still miss its essence â as it usually lays in the userâs emotional, subjective attitude â both to the building and space. It is obvious that architecture influences social relations just as much as social relations may have a positive influence over architecture.
Nowadays, the architect has a new role. S/heâs the creator of a process, a consultant, an advisor, a mediator, and an initiator of social activities whose aim is to increase the consumerâs architectural awareness.
I would like to present examples of these aspects of architecture that go beyond the Vitruvian triad: firmitas, utilitas, venustas â durability, usefulness and beauty. Can we separate from architecture the social processes that take place within its confines? Nobody separates the blood that circulates within the body from the organism. Examples of the German designing culture integrating social and architectural issues may become an inspiration for Polish architecture for which the rebuilding of the system is closely connected with the question of how to treat the existing building substance.
2 CREATION OF A PROCESS - IDENTITY AND AWARENESS
The difference between the group of inhabitants âin themselvesâ and âfor themselvesâ depends on their awareness. The inhabitantsâ understanding of the process that affects the appearance of a town or city in turn affects and influences that process. The inhabitantsâ protests or initiatives should be treated as having value in themselves as well as in an architectural context. They have the potential to put forward the ideas that cannot be designed on a drawing board.
In its first part, the paper presents the effects of social actions â taken in Niedersachsen, Berlin and Ruhrgebiet â which have changed with time into social movements that influenced the process of town rebuilding.
The sociologist Gansenforth, dealing with awareness of Niedersachsen people, said âWe couldnât even have imagined saving the town as a living organism without civic initiative, non-parliamentarian opposition or the minority protests in the parliament or the town hall.â
âWir verbessern Lindenâ in Hanover and the contemporary âStadtentwicklungs Konzeptâ (STEK) in Hamburg were the examples of both educational methods and the popularisation of architectural issues that affect the process of co-designing â âBewohnerbeteiligungâ. It is not sufficient to exhibit in âBaumamtâ the urban plans of changes planned or distribute leaflets. Polls (Befragungen), âopen doorâ days, cooperation with councillors, open discussions, courses VHS etc. â they all become those inseparable elements that strengthen the participation of inhabitants in town development. The essence of an architectâs work in this sense is the insight and analysis, which are not possible in a âclosedâ office. This type of work requires direct contact with people.
âEven if a ring worn by a woman is a worthless object, to her it may be worth much more than a diamond ringâ â this metaphor refers to architecture too. It may even particularly refer to architecture. Only in this way might the sense of identity be created.
An important aim for urbanists, architects or town councillors is to identify and respect social local identity and to establish contact with local groups. It is an inseparable element in the raising of social awareness. This is evidenced by the positive examples of involving local people in the restructuring and revitalisation of Ruhrgebiet which is both an architectural and a social problem. New functions of the coal mines in Zollverein or Gelsenkirchen are accompanied by museums of the recent history where the miners are now tour guides and managers. On the other hand, they are also great examples of respect for tradition and of the process of awakening local awareness.
2 CREATING A PROCESS â ACTIVITY AND CO-OPERATION
Apart from participation in the design process, real and physical participation of residents in the rebuilding of a town and the surrounding neighbourhood is of priceless value. The German project of âcompetitionsâ begun in the 1980s may be an example. Unfortunately in Poland âcompetitionsâ like that are mostly associated with propaganda from earlier times under a communist regime, which has not got much in common with the original fabric of the city. This paper presents ideas initiated by architects, town planners and sociologists in the 1980s, such as âStadterneuerung in kleinen schrittenâ in Hamburg, âHof, Vorgarten und Fassadenwettbewerbâ in Munich and Dortmund, and âHinterhof zum Innenhofâ in Hanover. The analysis and evaluation of research by the Hanover âInstitute fĂźr GrĂźnplanungâ indicate that biological revival of the houses was accompanied by the social revival. Those actions had more influence on the integration of the inhabitants and were better accepted than any others.
The image of a district or the local surroundings of a house often has little in common with classical architectural activity; it is more a reflection of social relationships there. It is common that the inhabitants are aware of this fact but they do not know where and how to start this process. This is why the initiation of this kind of activity is of great value. This is the basis for the activity of many small organisations associating sociologists and architects. They work under the label of âBehutsame Stadterneuerungâ. The Berlin KOTBUSTER Tor e.V that was later converted into KIEZGRUN may be an example. This organisation, based on the principle that âthere is no help without self helpâ tries to help people who would like to create âgreen spotsâ in the local environment but do not know how to start. They also deal with legal advice, architectural consultation etc. This organisation, like many others, may be proud of their contribution to local ecology, as well as to the integration of inhabitants especially in those districts where there are many foreigners. Moreover, some contribution that is beyond the designerâs perspective may be made by inhabitants.
3 GUARANTEE OF THE CONTINUITY OF THE PROCESS, RESPONSIBILITY AND SELF- GOVERNMENT
A process that began no matter how dynamically may still die out very quickly. This is why the guarantees of continuity should be anticipated from the very start. Stable law should guarantee the feasible influence on a house, a district or a town. In Germany, some organisations of inhabitants, designers, sociologists and the authorities started to play an important part. Every organisation like LIST in Berlin, âBĂźrgerbĂźro Stadtentwicklungâ in Hanover, WOGENO in Munich or STADTBAU in Hamburg set themselves different aims. What connects them is the inseparable connection between architecture and its social aspects.
This paper outlines some aspects of their activities, such as looking for the best solutions for Besetzte Hauser (Squats), buying out of deteriorated tenement houses and their restoration, and creating an organisation âWohnunggemeinschaften durch Mitgliedschaft mit unterschiedlichen Motivenâ. They often coordinate the cooperation of civic initiatives, offer legal advice and become a link between people and the authorities
What does beauty mean in eco-design?
Ecobuild became one of the most important places where sustainable design is discussed in the UK. However, havenât we forgotten that part of architectural design is beauty? What does beauty mean in eco-design? It seems that contemporary fashion is really compatible with green ideas. Do we need a new vision for green beauty
Hack the curriculum: hug the city
Apparently the smallest city in the UK â Lincoln â effectively started to be a university city in 1996. The usual âtown and gownâ division soon became apparent. Spatial and cultural separation between the academic and ânon-academicâ residents became reality which many were ready to accept. Not all, however. The new âstudent as producerâ ethos has opened new doors and new perspectives on ways in which the city and the university could cohabit. The cooperation between tutors and a 3rd year student of the architectural course gives an example of how a practical hands on project could not only turn into an exciting research project but become a real catalyst moment in transforming the city on a cultural and social level. This project has so far been strongly related to the idea of hackspace â which as a phenomenon often takes the form of physical space serving as a social hub that allows tool sharing and interaction between people representing different interests and skills. âHack-cultureâ and hackspaces became an opportunity for creating practical social hubs to promote ideas of social cooperation, democratisation of technology and empowerment. Lincoln Hackspace project started as a student project but thanks to the student as producer culture it has turned into a socially relevant initiative which created a much needed active bridge between the university and the town and has a great real chance to create a qualitative change in the life of Lincoln. This project could become an intriguing example of how cooperation between students and tutors could not only open an opportunity to âhackâ the curriculum turning it into a socially relevant student-led project, but even more importantly, it is a chance for the university to finally hug the city
Lincoln's Orgone accumulator: The question concerning life and architecture
Are the controversial ideas of Wilhelm Reich a topic worth discussing in contemporary architecture?
There is no better way of trying to answer this question than by testing it. This is what happened at
the University of Lincoln in 2017.
The Centre for Experimental Ontology offered support and the initial concept while authors of this
article, as architectural educators from Lincoln School of Architecture and the Built Environment
(LSABE), incorporated it into studentsâ brief
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