Monogamy vs. Polygyny in Rwanda: Round 1 - The White Fathers Round 2 - The 1994 Genocide

The symbiotic relationship between European Christian missionaries and European colonizers in East Africa is well-documented (Opoku 1985:513; Uzukwu 1996:29). However, the colonial history of Rwanda reveals a collaboration between French Roman Catholic missionaries and the coexistent Belgian administration that ensured a profound transformation, not only of indigenous religious practice, but of the marriage pattern - from polygyny to monogamy. The Catholic missionaries in Rwanda, an order called the White Fathers, imported a model of ideal marriage that was an amalgam of Christian theology and their own Western European culture. The model was not immediately embraced by Rwandans and after twenty years, the White Fathers recognized that traditional methods of evangelism and teaching were not resulting in the conversions they had hoped to gain. The White Fathers, therefore, turned to a decidedly secular forum for aid in enforcing their ideal marriage model: ordinances, taxes, and coercion through the Belgian administration. Rwanda is a small country by African standards at 26,338 square kilometers. It proved a fertile laboratory for the White Fathers\u27 experiment, as their presence and beliefs were not challenged by proselytizers of other religions - such as Protestants, Muslims, and Quakers - as was the case in the rest of East Africa. The Catholic hegemony in Rwanda was a unique situation that enabled the missionaries to remain uncompromising over the issue they envisioned to be at the very heart of their endeavour: marriage monogamous and indissoluble (Hastings 1967:163). This paper examines the dichotomy between the Christian and Rwandan models of marriage, the strategies employed by the White Fathers to impose their beliefs, the Rwandan response to that imposition, and the current marriage pattern in Rwanda

Monogamy vs. Polygyny in Rwanda: Round 1 - The White Fathers Round 2 - The 1994 Genocide

The symbiotic relationship between European Christian missionaries and European colonizers in East Africa is well-documented (Opoku 1985:513; Uzukwu 1996:29). However, the colonial history of Rwanda reveals a collaboration between French Roman Catholic missionaries and the coexistent Belgian administration that ensured a profound transformation, not only of indigenous religious practice, but of the marriage pattern - from polygyny to monogamy. The Catholic missionaries in Rwanda, an order called the White Fathers, imported a model of ideal marriage that was an amalgam of Christian theology and their own Western European culture. The model was not immediately embraced by Rwandans and after twenty years, the White Fathers recognized that traditional methods of evangelism and teaching were not resulting in the conversions they had hoped to gain. The White Fathers, therefore, turned to a decidedly secular forum for aid in enforcing their ideal marriage model: ordinances, taxes, and coercion through the Belgian administration. Rwanda is a small country by African standards at 26,338 square kilometers. It proved a fertile laboratory for the White Fathers\u27 experiment, as their presence and beliefs were not challenged by proselytizers of other religions - such as Protestants, Muslims, and Quakers - as was the case in the rest of East Africa. The Catholic hegemony in Rwanda was a unique situation that enabled the missionaries to remain uncompromising over the issue they envisioned to be at the very heart of their endeavour: marriage monogamous and indissoluble (Hastings 1967:163). This paper examines the dichotomy between the Christian and Rwandan models of marriage, the strategies employed by the White Fathers to impose their beliefs, the Rwandan response to that imposition, and the current marriage pattern in Rwanda

The Rwandese

The Rwandese are a set of peoples who live in the country of Rwanda in eastern central Africa who today number an estimated 7.9 million.2 Rwanda is a small country that has the highest population density (numbers of people per square-mile) in Africa. All Rwandese speak Rwanda (Kinyarwanda), and some speak French, Swahili, or English. Rwandese identify with three population groups called Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa. Today, these labels are used as ethnic identifiers; however, in the past they designated an individual\u27s occupation. It is not clear if the words Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa existed in ancient times when people from surrounding regions began migrating to Rwanda in greater number. But by the end of the nineteenth century, most agriculturists were known as Hutu, most pastoralists as Tutsi, and those who primarily hunted and gathered were known as Twa. This system of classification was not hierarchical in its earliest usage, and Rwandese could be classified differently throughout their lives if their mode of production changed. The labels have become more rigid over time, and a hierarchy was introduced in the classification scheme. This transformation of the meaning of group identities began in the late nineteenth century as a complex state system grew in Rwanda. The labels were solidified during the period of European colonial rule that commenced in 1899 with a German protectorate. Tutsi became the elite, Hutu were treated as subjects, and Twa were marginalized. The labels Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa were inherited through the father\u27s lineage or, if a child was born to an unmarried mother, through the mother\u27s lineage. The labels no longer indicated an individual\u27s mode of production, could not be altered during the course of a person\u27s life, and were concretized by being added to the mandatory identity cards all Rwandese began to carry. This last practice was introduced in the 1930s by the Belgian colonial administration (1915-1962) and persisted until 1994 despite the end of colonial rule in 1962. Prior to 1994, it was estimated that 85 percent of the population held an identity card that designated their ethnicity as Hutu, 14 percent were labeled as Tutsi, and 1 percent of the population was recognized as Twa

On Two Eras of African Archaeology: Colonial and National

This paper examines the role of archaeology in the political agendas of both colonial and post-colonial African governments. Both forms of government have utilized selective interpretations of the archaeological record to further their political goals. The marriage between archaeologists and colonial administrations is examined in light of the temporal coincidence between the international rise of professional archaeology in the 18908 and the zenith of colonial occupation in sub-Saharan Africa. The concurrent nature of these two phenomena resulted in employment within colonial administrations for the majority of professional archaeologists. The archaeology of the post-independenoe era reflects a shift in paradigm, as evident in the kinds ofquestions asked by archaeologists. Interpretation of the archaeological record, however, has often remained within the service of government agendas. In some African countries, archaeology is now heralded as a lubricant for extra-ethnic national unity. Meanwhile, the governments of other countries have suppressed archaeology, while they weigh its potential for fueling ethnic struggles as peoples gain \u27evidence\u27 for their ancient origins and subsequent rights to land. Examples of the role of archaeology in Africa are provided from various sites in the eastern, western, and southern regions of the continent