The BRICS configuration’s conversion of common sense into good sense: the relevance of a neo-Gramscian study for inclusive international relations

The study of the BRICS configuration is typically approached from problem-solving theories in International Relations (IR). Some scholars argue that the five economies aim to integrate the international system and co-exist with established powers (Burges, 2013, Narlikar, 2013, Vickers. 2013). Meanwhile, in critical IR theory, Worth (2009a) argues that semi-peripheries are little examined as transformers of the world order especially from the Coxian critical theory lens. This thesis argues that the five states’ convergence is not intended to transform or integrate the world order. Instead, their expressions for strengthening cooperation in the Global South’s name is a result of the ‘common sense’ (Gramsci, 1971), that is, widespread beliefs manufactured by the configuration’s ruling classes. However, this common sense is fragmented. It ought to convert into good sense, that is, a coherent set of ideas devoid of criticisms, to avoid resistances. This thesis emphasises three intra-state levels within the BRICS configuration – Brics from above, the middle, and below – and stresses the relevance of reverting to Gramsci’s concepts for studying how the intergovernmental vision is shaped by these social forces’ dynamics. Owing to limitations with Cox’s analytical frameworks for critical IR theory, a Gramscian-inspired analysis is instead used to offer three hypotheses. First, the Brics-from-above manufacture a common sense of representing the Global South’s interests. Second, the Brics-from-below challenge this common sense. Third, in anticipation of pressures from below, the Brics-from-above create ‘middle’ platforms, allegedly in civil society’s interests. Documentary research, field observation, and interviews have enabled an exploration of the fabrication of common sense, why it is contested, and the discursive strategies deployed to appeal to the subalterns. The findings suggest that the Brics-from-above constituting the configuration’s political society fabricate the BRICS common sense and use the Brics-from-the-middle to give the impression that it is forged in civil society. However, this fragmented common sense does not convert into good sense. The Brics-from-the-middle play an important role in absorbing the Brics-from-below’s resistances and in appropriating their grassroots principles by imitating dominant classes’ strategies to consolidate the order established from above. This thesis’s theoretical implications suggest that a study of the configuration going beyond problem-solving theories’ orthodoxy is necessary. Studying their convergence’s ideational dimension exposes the governments’ imagery about working in the Global South’s interests as a fallacy. The update of two Gramscian concepts (counter passive revolution and counter trasformismo) is a conceptual innovation of Gramsci’s ideas to reinvigorate engagement with neo-Gramscian research in IR. Overall, this thesis contributes to an underdeveloped body of literature about semi-peripheries in critical IR theory. It overcomes limitations of Cox’s analytical frameworks and adds a new dimension to Gramscian research in IR

BRICS countries’ annual intergovernmental declaration: why does it matter for world politics?

At their yearly summit, the bloc of the Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa (BRICS) countries issues an annual intergovernmental declaration. While these declarations are scrutinised for challenges they allegedly represent for global affairs, how they self-construct a positive representation about their global purpose is little studied. Notably, there is insufficient examination of the political deliberations behind the statements among the five different countries. By conducting a thematic content analysis based on coding content of the first ten intergovernmental declarations from 2009 to 2018, it is found that BRICS countries speak positively of their cooperative role to solve world problems without mentioning any internal disagreement. In parallel, they present Western institutions negatively in their communication strategy. An absence of deliberations does not imply an apolitical discourse. On the contrary, it can be a deliberate political communication strategy especially among the five different countries aiming to showcase alignment about their purpose in world politics

A research agenda for African smart public value governance – Insights from a webinar series

The article discusses key insights gained from a webinar series that the authors of this article launched when founding the “Centre for African Smart Public Value Governance” (C4SP). As a research centre that aims to improve the quality of public governance approaches in Africa, C4SP invited international scholars and practitioners to talk about their perspectives on “Public Value Governance”, “Unpacking the African Context”, and “Smart Government” during four webinars, taking place between April 2021 and March 2022. The discussions revealed that: i) Smart Public Value Governance (SPVG) is a promising approach to tackle grand challenges; ii) local particularities might hamper the implementation of SPVG approaches in African countries; iii) it exists as a necessity to “listen” deeply to Africa. On this basis, we provide an outlook for future research on SPVG by suggesting studies that can be conducted along three guiding questions that can be addressed by a people-oriented or a concept-oriented research approach

Predicting peer-assisted study session attendance

© The Author(s) 2017. Peer-assisted study session attendance is associated with multiple indicators of student success. However, attendance levels are generally low. We applied an extended theory of planned behaviour model, incorporating student role identity, to the prediction of peer-assisted study session attendance. Participants were 254 undergraduate students enrolled in 24 peer-assisted study session supported units. Attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioural control each had a significant direct effect on attendance intentions, which had a significant direct effect on attendance. All three predictors also had significant indirect effects on attendance, mediated by intentions. After controlling for intentions, only perceived behavioural control had a significant direct effect on attendance. The model accounted for 61% and 42% of the variance in intentions and attendance, respectively. Student role identity did not improve the predictive utility of the model. Theory of planned behaviour–informed strategies for increasing peer-assisted study session attendance are recommended