Prekäre Arbeit

Prekarität hat als Kategorie in den vergangenen Jahren Einzug in die gesellschaftlichen Diskurse gehalten, wird aber in der industrie- und arbeitssoziologischen Debatte noch unterschätzt. Der Beitrag geht von der Überlegung aus, dass die Dynamik flexibel-marktgetriebener Produktionsregime auch aus einer Prekarisierung von Erwerbsarbeit resultiert. Unsichere Arbeits- und Lebensverhältnisse werden nicht als ein Randphänomen gedeutet, das sich ausschließlich den "Outsidern" am Arbeitsmarkt zurechnen läßt. Vielmehr schwächen Prekarisierungsprozesse die soziale Integrationskraft nachfordistischer Arbeitsgesellschaften, indem sie bis weit in ihre als gesichert geltenden Bereiche eindringen. Zu den wichtigen arbeitspolitischen Schlussfolgerungen gehören unter anderem die Schaffung eines Umfeldes, in dem die "Prekarier" trotz schwieriger Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen handlungsfähig werden/bleiben, wozu die Durchsetzung eines gesetzlichen Mindestlohnes ebenso zu zählen sind wie die Unterstützung von kollektiven Selbstorganisationsansätzen.Within the last years precarity has as a category entered the discourses, however, it is still underestimated in the debates of industrial and labour sociology. The starting point of this text is the consideration that the dynamics of flexible market-driven production regimes is amongst other things a result of growing employment precarity. Insecure working and living conditions are not interpreted as a marginal phenomenon limited to the classical outsiders of labour market. On the contrary processes of growing precarity are weakening the forces of social integration in post-fordist formations by invading formerly secure zones. The text suggests some (labour-) political conclusions, e.g. the development of social contexts strengthening the capability of acting for those affected by precarious conditions. It also suggests the implementation of a legislative minimum wage as well as the support of approaches of collective self-organization

Social Classes in the Process of Capitalist Landnahme: On the Relevance of Secondary Exploitation

So far, growing social insecurity and inequality have not led to a revival of class-conscious labour movements in the centres of capitalism. This article builds upon Rosa Luxemburg’s concept of Landnahme to attempt to explain this phenomenon. In contemporary Germany, as in other developed countries, a transition from a society pacified by Fordist methods to a more strongly polarized class society is taking place– though characterized by a peculiar 'stabilization of the unstable'. An 'interior' Landnahme set in motion by financial capitalism has also severely aggravated secondary exploitation and the precarization of labour. Trade unions and the segment of the working class represented by unions often react by closing their ranks in exclusive solidarity. Faced with the prospect of downward social mobility, they develop defensive strategies to preserve their remaining social property – even at the expense of precarized groups. Such a disciplinary régime can only be broken if precarized groups and their forms of working and living are integrated into new structures of inclusive solidarity. Jusqu’ici, l’insécurité et l’inégalité croissante n’ont pas abouti à une renaissance des mouvements ouvriers dotés d’une conscience de classe au cœur du capitalisme. Cet article cherche à expliquer ce phénomène à partir du concept de Landnahme de Rosa Luxemburg. Dans l’Allemagne d’aujourd’hui, comme dans d’autres pays développés, une transition d’une société apaisée par des méthodes Fordistes à une société fortement polarisée est en train de se réaliser – bien que caractérisée par une étrange ‘stabilisation de l’instable’. Un Landnahme ‘intérieur’ mu par le capitalisme financier a également gravement renforcé l’exploitation secondaire et la précarisation de la classe ouvrière. Les syndicats et les fragments de la classe ouvrière que les syndicats représentent réagissent souvent en fermant leurs rangs dans une solidarité exclusive. Craignant la mobilité sociale descendante, ils développent des stratégies défensives afin de préserver la propriété sociale qui leur reste – même au dépens des groupes précarisés. Un tel régime disciplinaire peut seulement être brisé si les groupes précarisés et leurs formes de travail et modes de vie sont intégrés dans des nouvelles structures de solidarité inclusive

Functional Changes in the Trade Unions. From Intermediary to Fractal Organization?

"This contribution deals with developments in German Trade Unionism since the world economic crisis of 2008/09. Internationally, the crisis management of the German metalworkers’ union IG Metall is held in high esteem and regarded as a role model. It seems as if social integrative corporatism has emerged triumphant from the crisis. However, appearances are deceptive. It is argued here that we are once again witnessing a functional change in trade unionism. Corporatism is acquiring a new meaning; it must not be equated with corporatism in the era of prosperous post-war capitalism. In societies marked by divided labour markets and expanding precariousness, corporatism generates different outcomes. Trade Unions run the risk of degenerating into mere representatives of pressure groups, aligning themselves with factions of the political and economic élite in order to further special interests. The concept of trade unions as intermediary organisations is no longer sufficient to explain this functional change." (author's abstract

The increasing precariousness of the employment society: driving force for a new right wing populism?

"The text deals with the relations between the precariousness of employment relations and right-wing populist orientations. On the basis of qualitative empirical material it sketches a right-wing populist system of axioms that - if it is consolidated - can also structure labour experiences. The article explains that these orientations can exist in all zones of the 'employment society'. In connection with this, it discusses the explanatory potential of different theoretical approaches." (author's abstract

The coronavirus pandemic: an explosive global catastrophe

El artículo esboza una economía política de la pandemia del coronavirus. En línea con Fernand Braudel, la peste es interpretada como un “golpe externo” que remite a estructuras de larga data. Detrás de la pandemia y de la recesión que la sigue se esconde una crisis profunda. Ella es consecuencia de la tenaza económico-ecológica que tiene atrapadas a las sociedades del Norte Global. Esta nueva cesura no puede entenderse sin tener en cuenta el crash financiero de 2007-2009 y el interregno político de los años de poscrisis. Según mi tesis, la pandemia y la recesión que la sigue son efectos repulsivos de una hiperglobalización que ha socavado progresivamente sus propios presupuestos. Sin embargo, no puede hablarse de un determinismo del coronavirus. La pandemia no conducirá espontáneamente a un “Build Back Better”. Un cambio de rumbo de este tipo exige alternativas creíbles y claramente delineadas, y, sobre todo, fuerzas sociales y actores políticos que lleven adelante los cambios. Por tanto, con llamamientos generales a las élites no se logra mucho. En lugar de ello, aquí se sugiere un análisis preciso de la tendencia hacia democracias bonapartistas que bloquean la revolución de sustentabilidad. El artículo explora las dificultades de una sociología pública y se expresa a favor de un nuevo orden institucional caracterizado por la democracia económica y la creación de consejos de transformación.The article outlines a political economy of the coronavirus pandemic. In line with Fernand Braudel, the plague is interpreted as an “external blow” that refers to long-standing structures. Behind the pandemic and the recession that follows, lies a deep crisis. This is a consequence of the economic-ecologic pincer grip that have trapped the societies of the Global North. This new censorship cannot be understood without taking into account the financial crash of 2007-2009 and the political interregnum of the post-crisis years. According to my thesis, the pandemic and the recession that follows are repulsive effects of a hyperglobalization that has progressively undermined its own budgets. However, a coronavirus determinism cannot be affirmed. The pandemic will not spontaneously lead to a “Build Back Better”. A change of course of this type requires credible and clearly delineated alternatives, and, above all, social forces and political actors who can carry out the changes. Therefore, with general appeals to elites, not much is accomplished. Instead, an accurate analysis of the trend toward Bonapartist democracies that block the sustainability revolution is suggested here. The article explores the difficulties of a public sociology and expresses itself in favor of a new institutional order characterized by economic democracy and the creation of transformation councils.publishedVersionFil: Dörre, Klaus. Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena. Institut für Soziologie; Alemania

Globalstrategien von Unternehmen - ein Desintegrationsphänomen? Auswirkungen grenzüberschreitender Unternehmensaktivitäten auf die industriellen Beziehungen

"In der alten Bundesrepublik haben die industriellen Beziehungen jahrzehntelang eine herausragende Scharnierfunktion zwischen System- und Sozialintegration wahrgenommen. Die aktuelle Debatte um intensivierte Globalisierung schürt Zweifel, ob diese Funktion und ihr institutioneller Rahmen in Zukunft noch Bestand haben können. Nach einer verbreiteten Deutung begünstigt ökonomische Gloablisierung Kapitalismen, in denen kollektivvertraglich geregelte Lenkungssysteme traditionell geringer entwickelt sind. Als Konsequenzen für den 'rheinischen Kapitalismus' deutscher Prägung werden genannt: Aufzehrung sozialstaatlicher Regulierungskapazität, Druck auf kollektive Verhandlungssysteme, schwindende Integrationskraft intermediärer Organisationen und eine neuartige Heterogenisierung der Gesellschaft mit demokratiegefährdenden Potentialen. In Auseinandersetzung mit solchen Auflösungsszenarien formuliert der Beitrag eine andere These: Danach handelt es sich bei der Ausweitung transnationaler Untemehmensaktivitäten um riskante Strategien, deren Gelingen - auch - von kompatiblen Formen der Interessenvertretung und Regulierung abhängt. Transnationale Unternehmensnetzwerke bleiben letztlich auf eine Einbettung ihrer Aktivitäten in ortsgebundene Interaktionszusammenhänge angewiesen. Das spricht für einen neuartigen Regulationsbedarf, der innerhalb der bestehenden institutionellen Konfiguration jedoch kaum zu befriedigen ist. Es kommt zu einer anomischen Konstellation: Dem sich durchsetzenden neuen Muster internationaler Arbeitsteilung fehlt das 'regulierende soziale Band', eine kompatible Regulationsweise mit geeigneten Institutionen und kompromissfähigen Akteuren." (Autorenreferat

Capitalismo de risco. Landnahme, crise bifurcada, pandemia: chance para uma revolução sustentável?

The Coronavirus pandemic is a medical catastrophe, which links itself to an economic and ecological pincer crisis. This constellation constrains the rich societies of the global North, but also the large developing countries, to a great transformation, that is, to a sustainable revolution. This is the main argument of this contribution: Covid-19, the increasing inequality and large scaled ecological dangers are understood as repulsions of a chain of Landnahmen, which undermine the pré conditions of global linkage. Landnahme is a concept that demonstrates the expansion of capitalist societies. Capitalism must expand in order to reproduce itself. The incorporation of a non capitalistic other consistently causes crises of social reproduction. Without the financial crash of 2007-09, the political interregnum of the post crisis years and the tendency towards bonapartist democracies the present Corona crisis cannot be understood. Spontaneously, neither the Corona pandemic nor inequality nor the environmental destruction conducts to a “Build Back Better”. The national State of emergency is at this position. Instead hard struggles for distribution and the erosion of solidarity additionally jeopardizes the transition to sustainability. If the overdue sustainable revolution remains blocked, capitalism itself becomes an incalculable risk. The contribution pleads for a public sociology of sustainability, which orients itself on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and creates a framework which enables to challenge the pressure for growth, the constrain towards market expansion and expansive accumulation of property.A pandemia de coronavírus é uma catástrofe médica que se conecta a uma crise econômica e ecológica bifurcada. Esta constelação constrange as sociedades ricas do norte global, mas igualmente países em desenvolvimento, a uma grande transformação, isto é, à revolução sustentável. Esta é a principal tese desta contribuição: a Covid-19, a desigualdade social crescente e os perigos ecológicos em grande escala são entendidos como repulsões de uma cadeia de Landnahmen que coloca em xeque os pressupostos do entrelaçamento global.  A Landnahme é o conceito que demonstra a expansão das sociedades capitalistas. O capitalismo precisa se expandir para se reproduzir. A incorporação de um outro não capitalista consistentemente causa crises de reprodução social. A atual crise do Corona não pode ser compreendida sem o crash financeiro de 2007-09, sem o interregno político dos anos pós crise e a tendência a democracias bonapartistas. Espontaneamente nem a pandemia de Coronavírus, nem a desigualdade, tampouco a destruição ambiental, conduzem a um “Build Back Better” (reconstruir melhor). O Estado de exceção não se encontra nestas condições. Em contraste, lutas por distribuição e a erosão da solidariedade são perigos adicionais para a transição à sustentabilidade. Se a revolução sustentável atrasada permanecer bloqueada, o capitalismo se tornará um risco incalculável. Esta contribuição demanda uma sociologia pública que se oriente pelas Metas de Desenvolvimento Sustentável (MDS) e cria um enquadramento que permite questionar a pressão por crescimento, o constrangimento em direção à expansão do mercado e a acumulação expansiva de propriedade

Right-Wing Orientation in the World of Work: Market Control as the Cause of New Right-Wing Populism?

The article highlights the development and stabilization of extreme right-wing positions within the work sphere. The core assumption is that the tendency of recommodification of labor, which is characteristic for highly developed economies these days, undermines the socially integrative dimension of gainful employment. This is one reason for the new phenomenon of right-wing populism, which can be increasingly found among blue collar as well as white collar workers. Well-meant strategies in companies and administrative authorities for inhibiting racism are mostly ineffective or even counterproductive because they fail to identify the real reasons for racist prejudices at work. Effective strategies should aim at stopping the tendency of recommodification through new modes of social re-embedding

Globalisierung - eine strategische Option: Internationalisierung von Unternehmen und industrielle Beziehungen in der Bundesrepublik

"Der vorliegende Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit den Auswirkungen ökonomischer Globalisieriung auf das deutsche System industrieller Beziehungen. Er widerspricht der These vom 'footloose enterprise'. Statt dessen wird die Auffassung begründet, daß grenzüberschreitende Unternehmensnetzwerke auf vielfältige Bindungen angewiesen sind. Gleichwohl neigen Unternehmen im internationalen Restrukturierungsprozeß zu Bewältigungsstrategien, die die Kohärenz eingespielter bargaining-Konfigurationen in Frage stellen. Die EU könnte sich als geeigneter Rahmen für eine Rekomposition industrieller Beziehungen erweisen, in deren Verlauf Stärken des alten Systems an veränderte Bedingungen angepaßt werden." (Autorenreferat