Free speech and the market state: Race, media and democracy in new liberal times

Press freedom and free speech have again become central questions in discussions of democracy and power. A whole range of events have called into question the role of the press in the democratic process in today’s combined context of economic crisis and the free reign of market forces. From the publication of the racist cartoons in Denmark, to the Wikileaks witch hunt, to the Leveson inquiry in Britain, the rhetoric of press freedom is revealed as a universalizing concept that masks political and class interest – free expression is not treated universally, but is tied to questions of social, political and economic power. This article argues, however, that it is not the case that liberal democracy has latterly been corrupted or impaired. Instead, the significant limits of liberalism, highlighted by the above instances, stem from the historical conditions which gave rise to it; mass revolution and reaction in the 19th century resulted in constitutional democracies which established the principle of freedom, but not the fact. This article will suggest that from the outset, constitutional democracies were shaped by the class interests of an economic elite. There has been a historic entanglement of emancipation and de-emancipation in liberal thought, and the role of the press in this enterprise has been to use a racially charged definition of freedom and the notion of a threat to ‘our freedoms’ to scapegoat the Muslim population and to justify curbing ‘their’ freedoms

Refugee crisis, imperialism and pitiless wars on the poor

According to the UN Refugee Agency, 59.5 million people around the world were forcibly displaced in 2014. The numbers are particularly high in countries which have been subject to a process of ‘redrawing the map’ by imperial powers or their regional allies. The response to the recent developments – a stage which has been dubbed as ‘refugee crisis’ – is as polarising and as problematic as before. On the one hand we have witnessed the heroic acts not only of the refugees themselves who moved collectively and refused to queue ‘orderly’ in the immigration lines, but also the magnificent response of citizens in all over Europe who rushed to feed, clothe, accommodate and welcome them. In contrast the overwhelming institutional response by ‘liberal’ states has been, and remains, depressingly illiberal. The official response to this humanitarian crisis – which is after all the product of ‘humanitarian interventions’ – has nothing to do with whether or not Europe can cope with a ‘swarm of people’ aiming to exploit the ‘host’ countries. It is to do with managing a massive reserve army of labour. Forced migration is not only a product of this staggering inequality but also an important element of how that inequality is produced, maintained and managed

Is There an Islamic Communication? The Persistence of Tradition and the Lure of Modernity

Since ‘culture’ has become an essential category in trying to explain the post-1989 world, a new wave of essentialist thinking has emerged in the social sciences, including media studies. One such reaction is the so-called Islamic theory of communication based on a narrow and essentialist conceptualisation of ‘authentic’ culture. While trying to take issue with Eurocentrism, such an approach still operates within an Orientalist worldview. This article explores the central thesis, the limits and implications of Islamic Exceptionalism as related to media culture in the region, and Iran in particular. It suggests that claims of difference and of a singular ‘Islamic’ perspective on communication suppress the internal differences within such perceivedly singular ‘cultures’, and more significantly they overlook the real and more pressing ‘differences’ which need our urgent attention. In this article I argue that the claim of regional or religious ‘exceptionalism’ is only one part of a global cultural system that itself calls for the essentializing of local truths, and that tries to show how universal theories of culture and society do not fit these singular spaces/cultures. This recent ‘cultural turn’, and the emergence of alternative cultural claims to modernity, should be precisely seen as an attempt to reconstruct modernity according to ‘particular’ regional models, despite the avowed rejection of ‘modernity’

Safety and anti-tumour activity of the IgE antibody MOv18 in patients with advanced solid tumours expressing folate receptor-alpha: a phase I trial.

All antibodies approved for cancer therapy are monoclonal IgGs but the biology of IgE, supported by comparative preclinical data, offers the potential for enhanced effector cell potency. Here we report a Phase I dose escalation trial (NCT02546921) with the primary objective of exploring the safety and tolerability of MOv18 IgE, a chimeric first-in-class IgE antibody, in patients with tumours expressing the relevant antigen, folate receptor-alpha. The trial incorporated skin prick and basophil activation tests (BAT) to select patients at lowest risk of allergic toxicity. Secondary objectives were exploration of anti-tumour activity, recommended Phase II dose, and pharmacokinetics. Dose escalation ranged from 70 μg-12 mg. The most common toxicity of MOv18 IgE is transient urticaria. A single patient experienced anaphylaxis, likely explained by detection of circulating basophils at baseline that could be activated by MOv18 IgE. The BAT assay was used to avoid enrolling further patients with reactive basophils. The safety profile is tolerable and maximum tolerated dose has not been reached, with evidence of anti-tumour activity observed in a patient with ovarian cancer. These results demonstrate the potential of IgE therapy for cancer