Otto Stern (1888-1969): The founding father of experimental atomic physics

We review the work and life of Otto Stern who developed the molecular beam technique and with its aid laid the foundations of experimental atomic physics. Among the key results of his research are: the experimental determination of the Maxwell-Boltzmann distribution of molecular velocities (1920), experimental demonstration of space quantization of angular momentum (1922), diffraction of matter waves comprised of atoms and molecules by crystals (1931) and the determination of the magnetic dipole moments of the proton and deuteron (1933).Comment: 39 pages, 8 figure

(e,2e) Measurements on Xenon: Reexamination of the Fine-Structure Effect

The process of electron scattering from heavy target atoms is of considerable interest due to the enhanced role of relativistic effects and distortion of the electron trajectories resulting from the large value of nuclear charge. Here we present (e,2e) ionization measurements and distorted-wave Born approximation calculations for the scattering of spin-polarized electrons from xenon atoms in which the fine-structure levels of the residual ion are resolved. Comparison of measurements performed using a high-sensitivity toroidal analyzer spectrometer with the predictions of sophisticated calculations provide an improved understanding of the ionization dynamics of heavy target atoms and the treatment of electron exchange processes

Fully differential cross sections for electron-impact excitation-ionization of aligned D2

We examine fully differential cross sections for 176 eV electron-impact dissociative excitation-ionization of orientated D2 for transitions to final ion states 2sσg, 2pσu, and 2pπu. In previous work [Phys. Rev. A 88, 062705 (2013)PLRAAN1050-294710.110

Appearance and disappearance of the second Born effects in the (e,3e) reaction in He

We demonstrate, both experimentally and theoretically, clear manifestation of the second Born effects in the angular distributions of two ejected electrons produced by a 500 eV electron impact on the He atom in the so-called (e,3e) reaction. The second Born contribution, due to subsequent interaction of the projectile with the target, is most prominent for glancing collisions with small momentum transfer. However, these effects are absent for hard knock-out collisions with large momentum transfer

Experimental and theoretical cross sections for molecular-frame electron-impact excitation-ionization of D 2

We present both experimental and theoretical results for the dissociative ionization of D2 molecules induced by electron impact. Cross sections are determined in the molecular frame and are fully differential in the energies and emission angles of the di

Experimental and Theoretical Cross Sections for Molecular-frame Electron-impact Excitation-ionization of D₂

We present both experimental and theoretical results for the dissociative ionization of D2 molecules induced by electron impact. Cross sections are determined in the molecular frame and are fully differential in the energies and emission angles of the dissociation fragments. Transitions are considered from the X1Σg+ electronic ground state of D2 to the 2sσg, 2pπu and 2pσu excited states of D2+. The experimental results are compared to calculations performed within the molecular four-body distorted-wave framework to describe the multicenter nature of the scattering process. The cross sections reveal a dramatic dependence on both the alignment of the internuclear axis with respect to the direction of the projectile momentum and on the symmetry of the excited dissociating state which is energetically resolved

Ionization and Ionization-Excitation of Helium to the n=1-4 States of He⁺ by Electron Impact

We present experimental and theoretical results for the electron-impact-induced ionization of ground-state helium atoms. Using a high-sensitivity toroidal electron spectrometer, we measured cross-section ratios for transitions leading to the first three excited states of the residual helium ion relative to the transition leaving the ion in the ground state. Measurements were performed for both symmetric- and asymmetric-energy-sharing kinematics. By presenting results as a ratio, a direct comparison can be made between theoretical and experimental predictions without recourse to normalization. The experimental data are compared to theoretical predictions employing various first-order models and a second-order hybrid distorted-wave + convergent R matrix with pseudostates (close-coupling) approach. All the first-order models fail in predicting even the approximate size of the cross-section ratios. The second-order calculations are found to describe the experimental data for asymmetric-energy-sharing with reasonable fidelity, although significant disparities are evident for the symmetric-energy-sharing cases. These comparisons demonstrate the need for further theoretical developments, in which all four charged particles are treated on an equal footing

The seeds of divergence: the economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

Generally, Canada has been ignored in the literature on the colonial origins of divergence with most of the attention going to the United States. Late nineteenth century estimates of income per capita show that Canada was relatively poorer than the United States and that within Canada, the French and Catholic population of Quebec was considerably poorer. Was this gap long standing? Some evidence has been advanced for earlier periods, but it is quite limited and not well-suited for comparison with other societies. This thesis aims to contribute both to Canadian economic history and to comparative work on inequality across nations during the early modern period. With the use of novel prices and wages from Quebec—which was then the largest settlement in Canada and under French rule—a price index, a series of real wages and a measurement of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are constructed. They are used to shed light both on the course of economic development until the French were defeated by the British in 1760 and on standards of living in that colony relative to the mother country, France, as well as the American colonies. The work is divided into three components. The first component relates to the construction of a price index. The absence of such an index has been a thorn in the side of Canadian historians as it has limited the ability of historians to obtain real values of wages, output and living standards. This index shows that prices did not follow any trend and remained at a stable level. However, there were episodes of wide swings—mostly due to wars and the monetary experiment of playing card money. The creation of this index lays the foundation of the next component. The second component constructs a standardized real wage series in the form of welfare ratios (a consumption basket divided by nominal wage rate multiplied by length of work year) to compare Canada with France, England and Colonial America. Two measures are derived. The first relies on a “bare bones” definition of consumption with a large share of land-intensive goods. This measure indicates that Canada was poorer than England and Colonial America and not appreciably richer than France. However, this measure overestimates the relative position of Canada to the Old World because of the strong presence of land-intensive goods. A second measure is created using a “respectable” definition of consumption in which the basket includes a larger share of manufactured goods and capital-intensive goods. This second basket better reflects differences in living standards since the abundance of land in Canada (and Colonial America) made it easy to achieve bare subsistence, but the scarcity of capital and skilled labor made the consumption of luxuries and manufactured goods (clothing, lighting, imported goods) highly expensive. With this measure, the advantage of New France over France evaporates and turns slightly negative. In comparison with Britain and Colonial America, the gap widens appreciably. This element is the most important for future research. By showing a reversal because of a shift to a different type of basket, it shows that Old World and New World comparisons are very sensitive to how we measure the cost of living. Furthermore, there are no sustained improvements in living standards over the period regardless of the measure used. Gaps in living standards observed later in the nineteenth century existed as far back as the seventeenth century. In a wider American perspective that includes the Spanish colonies, Canada fares better. The third component computes a new series for Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is to avoid problems associated with using real wages in the form of welfare ratios which assume a constant labor supply. This assumption is hard to defend in the case of Colonial Canada as there were many signs of increasing industriousness during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The GDP series suggest no long-run trend in living standards (from 1688 to circa 1765). The long peace era of 1713 to 1740 was marked by modest economic growth which offset a steady decline that had started in 1688, but by 1760 (as a result of constant warfare) living standards had sunk below their 1688 levels. These developments are accompanied by observations that suggest that other indicators of living standard declined. The flat-lining of incomes is accompanied by substantial increases in the amount of time worked, rising mortality and rising infant mortality. In addition, comparisons of incomes with the American colonies confirm the results obtained with wages— Canada was considerably poorer. At the end, a long conclusion is provides an exploratory discussion of why Canada would have diverged early on. In structural terms, it is argued that the French colony was plagued by the problem of a small population which prohibited the existence of scale effects. In combination with the fact that it was dispersed throughout the territory, the small population of New France limited the scope for specialization and economies of scale. However, this problem was in part created, and in part aggravated, by institutional factors like seigneurial tenure. The colonial origins of French America’s divergence from the rest of North America are thus partly institutional