A Phenomenological Examination of Church Leaders\u27 Perceived Impact of Executive Coaching on Organizational Culture

The trajectory of the seminary training curriculum has evolved pedagogically at projecting adequate church leadership education and hands-on development. However, empirical research reveals that the seminary struggles with preparing generations of church leaders for modern church responsibilities including executive leadership, tactical performance, administration, and church organizational culture (Crowson, 2021; Costin, 2008). Hicks (2012), as cited by Smith (2017) states, “Recent studies have begun to explore the need for management training for pastors” (p. 2). Graduates as well as current church leaders report feeling ill-equipped for the increasing duties for today’s church culture. This qualitative, phenomenological study evaluated mid-to-senior level Christian leaders’ perceptions of executive coaching\u27s impact on church organizational culture. Four research questions were utilized to guide this study: 1) What are Christian church leaders’ perceptions of how executive coaching impacts leadership effectiveness? 2) How do Christian church leaders perceive how executive coaching improves church managerial performance? 3) What are church leaders’ perceptions of how executive coaching improves congregational relationships? 4) How do Christian church leaders’ perceive how executive coaching influences administrative skillsets? Fourteen Christian leaders participated in virtual interviews using an expert coach-vetted questionnaire. The researcher discovered that leadership coaching impacts church organizational culture through new skillsets and personal growth integrated into their leadership. Church leaders perceive that leadership coaching significantly influenced leadership effectiveness, managerial performance, and administrative skillset with minimal impact on congregational relationship building

The Constitution of 1868

On March 2, 1867, Congress enacted a law declaring that no legal government existed in Florida. As a part of the Third Military District, Florida was placed under a commander whose authority was superior to the outlawed state government. The law provided that the state could resume normal relations with the Union when it had adopted the fourteenth amendment and formed a constitution in conformity with the Constitution of the United States. This instrument was to be drawn up by a convention of delegates elected by all eligible male citizens, ratified by the people, and approved by Congress. No persons excluded from political activity by the fourteenth amendment could participate in the formation of this constitution

The Labor League of Jacksonville: A Negro Union and White Strikebreakers

After the Civil War the Florida lumber industry quickly recovered and expanded until it became a major factor in the state’s economy. Yellow pine lumber and heavy timber was being shipped from Florida to domestic, European, and Latin American ports in large quantities by 1873. In that year twenty sawmills near Jacksonville employed hundreds of laborers. Lumber was surpassed only by tourism in relative importance to the city’s economy. City leaders were predicting prosperity and growth on the basis of an expanding lumber industry and tourist trade. In April, 6,660,000 superficial feet of lumber was loaded on schooners and a few steamers at the Jacksonville docks. About one-fifth of it went to foreign ports. Because of the city’s rapid growth, contractors also constituted a major market for Florida’s lumber. City and county taxes were high, however, and the tourist trade tended to drive living costs higher in Jacksonville than in other parts of the state

The stability of undergraduate students\u27 cognitive test anxiety levels

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Florida in the Balance: The Electoral Count of 1876

For a few weeks following the 1876 election, Florida’s role in national affairs was greater than the state’s four electoral votes would normally warrant. With the presidency depending on one electoral vote and the Florida election in doubt, both the Democratic and Republican parties concentrated attention on the electoral count in Tallahassee. The activities of influential “visiting statesmen” representing the national parties affected the decision of the state canvassing board and caused temporary excitement in Florida. After their departure and the ultimate resolution of the election dispute, political affairs in the state returned to normal with little permanent influence from the visitors or the events surrounding their visit

Florida Courts and the Disputed Election of 1876

When the election of November 7, 1876 failed to resolve the presidential contest between Republican Rutherford B. Hayes and Democrat Samuel J. Tilden because of uncertain results in Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina, both national parties sent prominent representatives to the three southern capitals to observe and work for their partys’ interests. With Tilden only one electoral vote short of victory, the Republicans needed every one of the nineteen disputed votes. Because there had been less violence and corruption in Florida and because only a few votes separated the parties, many politicians believed it to be the crucial state. Under Florida law, a state canvassing board was empowered to exercise quasi-judicial authority in its examination of returns from the thirty-nine county canvassing boards. It could rule on the validity of those returns and decide whether or not to exclude them from the count. On the board there were two Republicans-Secretary of State Samuel B. McLin, a Southerner and long-time resident of Florida, and Comptroller Clayton A. Cowgill, an ex-Union army surgeon from Delaware and one Democrat, Attorney General William Archer Cocke, a Virginian who came to Florida in 1863