Where Turkey stands in Europe and why it should be admitted to the EU

Turkeys position relative to Europe is analyzed from three different perspectives, i.e (i) the semi-official perspective of the Copenhagen criteria, the Maastricht criteria and the Lisbon strategy, (ii) the perspective of comparative surveys, and (iii) the perspective of key European worries regarding future strains on cohesion funds and the complex relationship of the Turkish population to European values. It is shown that Turkeys standing in international comparisons of good governance has been improving in recent years and that the country is on a path of convergence with the Maastricht criteria. Turkey falls considerably short, however, of the employment and education goals of the Lisbon agenda. Comparative surveys show the Turkish population to have not only a low standard of living, but also a very low level of satisfaction with life and with public services, to have comparatively little trust in other people and a low level of civic engagement, and to nourish traditional attitudes concerning religious beliefs, womens rights and gender roles. Since Turkeys admission to the EU would enlarge the EU population by 15 %, but economic output by less than 3 %, Turkeys accession would severely strain EU cohesion funds. Despite these reservations, Turkeys admission to the Union is here advocated for three reasons: (1) Risks of a fundamentalist backlash against Europe would considerably increase if the long-standing accession promise were not kept. (2) Given that the country is entering a very favourable demographic phase for about 2-3 decades, there is considerable economic opportunity with a vast growth potential. (3) Since the recent Eastern enlargements have already decided the debate between federalists and inter-governmentalists in favour of the latter, Europe has more to gain than to lose from Turkeys membership which would strengthen the countrys ties to the West, and provide a chance of proving to the world that the motto of the European Union united in diversity is a better model for the future of international relations than the scenario of a clash of civilizations. --

The inequality of electoral participation in Europe and America and the politically integrative functions of the welfare state

Electoral turnout is shown to be higher and less socially skewed in member states of the enlarged European Union than in the United States. The differences in the levels of turnout can partly be related to differences in election procedures, but since the procedural rules provide similar incentives or disincentives to all social groups they cannot explain the much higher inequality of electoral participation in America. There is some evidence to sustain the notion that the higher inclusiveness of the West European welfare state fosters political integration and the equality of electoral participation. In line with this notion differences between Europe and America diminish considerably when the analysis is confined to the pensioner generation whose integration into welfare state schemes is largely similar on both sides of the Atlantic. --

Towards Explaining Anti-Foreign Violence in Germany. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 04.8 (Series 53), 1993

Gennany has recently witnessed a vast increase in anti-foreign violence. Assembling data from a wide variety of recent research, the paper addresses two basic questions: to what extent is the outburst of xenophobic attacks a German peculiarity? and what are the explanations for the mcreasing violence? An analysis of criminal statistics of various European countries and of comparative opinion polls in the European Community shows that Germany has indeed witnessed a growth of anti-foreign sentiment, and a level of violence that is conspicuous from a com­ parative perspective. Four possible determinants of this peculiarity of recent German history are discussed: (1) the growing ethnic and cultural heterogeneity due to the vast increase in immigration from non-European countries; (2) the increasing costs of foreigners' claims on the German welfare state; (3) the economic context of immigration; and (4) the transformation of national identity in the context of German unification. It is shown that neither the rate of immigration nor the position of foreigners in the German welfare state yields satisfactory explanations for the recent upsurge in violence, which only occurred after unification. The key for an explanation lies in a particu­lar macro-constellation that is characterized by the concurrence of a massive wave of immigration with an economic crisis, and with the ethnicization of German national identity in the context of unification. Anti-foreign sentiments do not automatically follow increases in immigration, but grow in a specific political climate to which the political elites actively contribute

The European Social Model and the United States

The notion of a European social model assumes that European societies have certain features in common that distinguish them from the United States. Analysing longitudinal data on the dimensions of state, economy and society three findings stand out: (1) for most indicators the range of variation within the European Union is bigger than the gap between Europe and the United States; (2) counter to the idea of policy convergence, differences in the developmental trajectories of countries with different institutional arrangements persist; (3) despite having extended welfare states similar to those of Continental European countries, Scandinavian nations have performed as well as the Anglo-Saxon countries in terms of employment and growth dynamics. Hence there are not only different social models in Europe but also different pathways to success

What the European and American welfare states have in common and where they differ: facts and fiction in comparisons of the European Social Model and the United States

"This paper examines to what extent the classification of the American welfare state as 'residual' squares with the empirical facts. Section I describes key features of American social policy developments. The U.S. system is clearly dominated by public provisions for welfare among which social insurance programs, especially Social Security and Medicare, represent the lion's share, and public pensions are more universal, redistributive, and generous than in some European countries. Noteworthy differences remain with respect to the stronger reliance on private provisions in pensions and health, the emphasis on work-conditioned benefits and a greater importance of selective schemes. The terms 'work-conditioned welfare' or "corporate citizenship" adequately capture these key features by highlighting that employers are gatekeepers of social entitlements. Section II examines if key features of the American welfare state have recently become more prominent in Europe. A slight approximation to the American model is found with respect to a growing importance of private expenditure for pensions and health, but not with respect to a greater selectivity of benefits. On the level of policy discourse, the idée directrice of European social policies is changing from social protection to activation, as three traditionally American elements have come to prominence: an emphasis on individual responsibility, on the private supply of services and more consumer choice, and on the activation of people at working age. Yet there is no general convergence towards the American model, because the United States is approximating Europe with respect to health insurance while public attitudes are shifting in favour of extended state responsibilities. Hence there is a complex pattern of specific policy learning rather than convergence towards one model of social policy. In sum, similarities between social policies in Europe and America are found to be more noteworthy than the term 'residual welfare state' for the U.S. suggests." (author's abstract

What - if anything - is undermining the European Social Model?

"The notion of a European social model assumes that European societies have certain features in common which distinguish them positively from the United States, among them most notably the social partnership in labour relations, redistributive welfare state schemes, and cohesive societies with a low degree of social inequality. The paper examines to what extent the social reality in the EU conforms to this normative image and what challenges imperil the sustainability of the European social model. Special attention is drawn to the influence of supranational decision-making in the European Union and to the role of the European Court of Justice. It is shown that Court rulings imperil the viability of national social programs, because they open the schemes to transnational access even though they continue to be nationally financed. This is also in tension with the solidarity concepts of European citizens which continue to be framed in terms of national citizenship. As a possible solution to these tensions, the strengthening of the participation rights of national parliaments and governments on the European level is advocated." (author's abstract)"Das Konzept des Europäischen Sozialmodells wird als normative Leitidee definiert, der zufolge die Europäische Union sich als 'USA plus' verstehen lässt. Während Schlüsselcharakteristika wie Marktwirtschaft, Demokratie und offene Gesellschaft Europa und die USA verbinden, haben europäische Gesellschaften darüber hinaus ihrem Anspruch nach aber einige Merkmale gemeinsam, die sie von den USA unterscheiden, nämlich die Sozialpartnerschaft, den umverteilenden Sozialstaat und den größeren gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhalt mit vergleichsweise geringer Ungleichheit. Untersucht wird, inwiefern diese normative Idee der empirischen Realität entspricht und welche Herausforderungen die Nachhaltigkeit des europäischen Sozialmodells gefährden. Das besondere Augenmerk gilt hier dem Einfluss supranationaler Entwicklungen in der Europäischen Union und insbesondere der Rechtsprechung des Europäischen Gerichtshofs. Es wird gezeigt, dass die Rechtsprechung des EuGH häufig auf die transnationale Öffnung sozialer Sicherungsprogramme hinausläuft, die aber nach wie vor nationalstaatlich finanziert werden. Supranationale Entscheidungen auf EU-Ebene geraten damit zunehmend in Widerspruch mit nationalstaatlichen Institutionen sowie auch den Solidaritätsvorstellungen europäischer Bürger, die nach wie vor an der nationalen Staatsbürgerschaft festmachen. Ein möglicher Lösungsmechanismus wird in der Stärkung der Mitspracherechte nationaler Parlamente und Regierungen auf europäischer Ebene gesehen." (Autorenreferat

What the European and American welfare states have in common and where they differ: Facts and fiction in comparisons of the European social model and the United States

This paper examines to what extent the classification of the American welfare state as "residual" squares with the empirical facts. Section I describes key features of American social policy developments. The U.S. system is clearly dominated by public provisions for welfare among which social insurance programs, especially Social Security and Medicare, represent the lion's share, and public pensions are more universal, redistributive, and generous than in some European countries. Noteworthy differences remain with respect to the stronger reliance on private provisions in pensions and health, the emphasis on work-conditioned benefits and a greater importance of selective schemes. The terms "work-conditioned welfare" or "corporate citizenship" adequately capture these key features by highlighting that employers are gatekeepers of social entitlements. Section II examines if key features of the American welfare state have recently become more prominent in Europe. A slight approximation to the American model is found with respect to a growing importance of private expenditure for pensions and health, but not with respect to a greater selectivity of benefits. On the level of policy discourse, the idée directrice of European social policies is changing from social protection to activation, as three traditionally American elements have come to prominence: an emphasis on individual responsibility, on the private supply of services and more consumer choice, and on the activation of people at working age. Yet there is no general convergence towards the American model, because the United States is approximating Europe with respect to health insurance while public attitudes are shifting in favour of extended state responsibilities. Hence there is a complex pattern of specific policy learning rather than convergence towards one model of social policy. In sum, similarities between social policies in Europe and America are found to be more noteworthy than the term "residual welfare state" for the U.S. suggests. --

The inequality of electoral participation in Europe and America and the politically integrative functions of the welfare state

"Electoral turnout is shown to be higher and less socially skewed in member states of the enlarged European Union than in the United States. The differences in the levels of turnout can partly be related to differences in election procedures, but since the procedural rules provide similar incentives or disincentives to all social groups they cannot explain the much higher inequality of electoral participation in America. There is some evidence to sustain the notion that the higher inclusiveness of the West European welfare state fosters political integration and the equality of electoral participation. In line with this notion differences between Europe and America diminish considerably when the analysis is confined to the pensioner generation whose integration into welfare state schemes is largely similar on both sides of the Atlantic." (author's abstract

Geschlecht - die überschätzte Dimension sozialer Ungleichheit: zentrale Herausforderungen liegen anderswo

"Die Industriegesellschaft war eine patriarchalisch geprägte Männergesellschaft, die Frauen den Zugang zu privilegierten Positionen versperrte. Post-industrielle Dienstleistungsgesellschaften werden hingegen zunehmend zu Frauengesellschaften, in denen geschlechtsspezifische Unterschiede an Bedeutung verlieren. Seit den 1960er Jahren haben sich die Geschlechterverhältnisse stärker verändert als in den 100 Jahren zuvor. Diese stille Revolution findet in aktuellen Gleichheitsdiskursen zu wenig Berücksichtigung. Ungleichheitsforscher und Gleichstellungsbeauftragte sollten ihr Augenmerk stärker auf die zentralen Herausforderungen unserer Tage richten: das Fortdauern von Klassenunterschieden sowie die prekäre Integration von Migrantenkindern im Bildungswesen." (Autorenreferat)"Industrial societies were predominantly male societies which blocked women from access to privileged positions. Present-day post-industrial service economies increasingly become female societies in which gender-specific inequalities lose salience, having undergone more profound changes since the 1960s than in the hundred previous years. Contemporary policy discourses do not yet adequately reflect this silent revolution and should focus more on two central challenges to social integration, i.e. class-related inequalities and the integration of immigrant children into our systems of higher learning." (author's abstract

Allmählicher Umbau bei nach wie vor deutlichen nationalen Unterschieden: Analysen zu jüngsten Wandlungstendenzen in westlichen Wohlfahrtsstaaten

'Beobachter der Sozialpolitik sind sich weitgehend einig darüber, dass die europäischen Sozialstaaten mit einer Reihe von neuen Problemen fertig werden müssen. Bei unterschiedlicher Akzentuierung des genauen Reformbedarfs und der genau einzuschlagenden Reformrichtung besteht jenseits politischer Lagerbildungen doch weitgehender Konsens bezüglich der folgenden Punkte: (1) Der Übergang von der Industriegesellschaft zur postindustriellen Gesellschaft bringt neue und veränderte Bedarfslagen mit sich, so dass eine Neuausrichtung des Sozialstaats weg von der Konzentration auf inzwischen recht gut gelöste Probleme und hin zur Inangriffnahme neuer ungelöster Probleme erforderlich ist. Zu dieser Neuorientierung gehört eine Umschichtung von Renten zu Kinder-/Familienleistungen, insbesondere die Versorgung mit Kinderbetreuungseinrichtungen und Ganztagsschulen, welche den Familien die Bewältigung der Doppelaufgabe von Berufstätigkeit und Kindererziehung erleichtert; darüber hinaus zählt dazu innerhalb der Zielgruppe der Altenbevölkerung eine Umschichtung von Rentenzahlungen auf Pflegeleistungen sowie generell eine Umschichtung von Transferzahlungen zu Dienstleistungen und von passiver sozialer Sicherung zu aktivierenden Bildungsmaßnahmen als Zukunftsinvestition. (2) Die Finanzierungsbasis des Sozialstaats muss durch eine breitere Streuung der Kosten erweitert werden, so dass der Faktor Arbeit entlastet und seine sinkende wirtschaftliche Bedeutung kompensiert wird. Da sich die Relation zwischen Erwerbstätigen und Abhängigen in den nächsten zwei bis drei Jahrzehnten krass verschlechtern wird, sind große gemeinsame Anstrengungen erforderlich, um den Anteil erwerbstätiger Personen so zu erhöhen, dass auch künftig auskömmliche Altersrenten bei erträglicher Beitragsbelastung gesichert werden. (3) Der ethnischen und kulturellen Heterogenisierung der Gesellschaften muss Rechnung getragen werden, denn sie impliziert wohl, dass bedingungslos gewährte universelle Sozialleistungen mit Grundsicherungscharakter künftig auf erhöhte Legitimierungsprobleme stoßen werden. Im Folgenden soll kurz skizziert werden, inwiefern sich dieser Anpassungsbedarf bereits in beobachtbaren Veränderungen der westeuropäischen Sozialstaaten niedergeschlagen hat.' (Autorenreferat