The Slow Decay of Southern Africa's Dominant-Party Regimes

The successful national liberation movements of southern Africa have become dominant-party regimes. However, many now face a series of political and economic crises that have the potential to put the region's stability at risk. Dominant-party regimes in southern Africa base their legitimacy on liberating the nation from colonialism and being an expression of the people's will. However, they preside over an exclusionary social order. The promotion of formal measures of democratisation which focus on periodic elections, formal constitutions, and the existence of opposition parties have had limited success in loosening the political stranglehold of dominant parties. In fact, the adoption of such formal measures has given dominant parties a measure of international legitimacy, to varying degrees, while many of these nominally democratic regimes are restricting the expression of dissent, closing spaces for opposition, and clinging to power by constitutional amendments or popular referenda of questionable democratic credentials. The promotion of economic liberalisation measures - such as creating a "business friendly" environment and courting foreign direct investment (FDI) - especially for the extractive sector and its associated infrastructure, has not provided growth in ways perceived by many to be socially just. Instead, it has tended to concentrate wealth in relatively narrow ruling circles, bolstering the power of ruling parties while contributing to growing social polarisation. Many of the social crises facing dominant-party regimes in southern Africa are based on complex issues of distributional justice and inclusion, which are rooted in their particular social contexts. Foreign partners and donors should focus less on promoting formal measures of democratisation and economic liberalisation, which can be counterproductive, and instead promote more inclusive social and economic programmes, such as universal basic income

Book review: the despot’s accomplice: how the West isaiding and abetting the decline of democracy by Brian Klaas

Jason Sumich describes The Despot’s Accomplice: How the West is Aiding and Abetting the Decline of Democracy by Brian Klaas as a well-written and engaging volume around the author’s vision of democracy although it would have benefitted from a serious engagement with differing opinions

Tribesmen or hustlers? : tourism, cultural imperialism and the creation of a new social class in Zanzibar

Bibliography: leaves 71-76

‘Just another African country’: socialism, capitalism and temporality in Mozambique

Here, I examine the legacies of Marx and Lenin for the Indian Ocean nation of Mozambique by tracing nation-building projects from the late colonial period to the present. By combining Archambault’s insights concerning the ‘politics of pretense’ in Mozambique with McGovern’s arguments concerning the development of a durable set of national dispositions in socialist Guinea, I explore the legacies of transformative projects in Mozambique and their contradictions. Mozambican socialism was an ambitious attempt to escape previous colonial practices and build a new kind of durable and all-encompassing national belonging. I argue that this attempt was, paradoxically, both successful and something that soon became mired in new forms of political pretense. I then explore the ways in which the legacies of the socialist period have continued to uphold Frelimo’s rule. This is evident both symbolically, through the party’s influence over what it means to be a ‘modern’ Mozambican, and materially, through structures of democratic centralism and the interpellation of the party, state and security services. However, the gradual decoupling of utopian ambitions and revolutionary temporalities, based on an idea of a messianic future, have sapped the coherence of Frelimo’s political project, and the party’s hegemony now teeters on precarious foundations

Partido fuerte, ¿Estado débil?:Frelimo y la supervivencia estatal a través de la guerra civil en Mozambique

Gran parte de la investigación sobre África en el período poscolonial ubica al Estado en el rol central –o como causante– de muchas de las crisis que han afectado al continente desde la independencia. El Estado ha sido descrito de diversas maneras: como severo y suave, autoritario y subdesarrollado, corrupto y neopatrimonial, o como motor del desarrollo. Mientras algunos alertan sobre los inconvenientes de un Estado excesivamente intervencionista, otros advierten los peligros que acarrearían los “Estados fallidos” o los colapsos estatales. Pese a los diferentes enfoques bajo los cuales se estudia, el Estado –asociado frecuentemente con conceptos igualmente nebulosos como el de sociedad civil– es casi siempre el concepto bajo el cual se analiza la cultura política del continente africano como un todo. Este artículo cuestiona las acepciones del término “Estado” y se pregunta si es posible separar el análisis del Estado del de los diferentes líderes o partidos en el poder, en instancias específicas y durante ciertos momentos en el tiempo. Este estudio está basado en Mozambique y argumenta que, en varios sentidos, y con excepción de lo simbólico, el Estado colapsó en amplias zonas del país durante la guerra civil (1977-1992). Describiendo la formación social de la élite que eventualmente lideró al partido Frelimo, se demuestra cómo esta élite fue capaz de mantener la unidad interna del partido y sobrevivir a los retos que trajo consigo el período de posindependencia. Sin embargo, la unidad de la base social del partido es excluyente. Se argumenta, entonces, que, en vez de concentrarnos en las tipologías del Estado africano, debemos enfocarnos en la visión de estatidad como un proceso largo y complejo de negociación y confrontación entre diversos grupos sociales.Much of the research on Africa in the postcolonial period places the government in a central role-or as a cause- of many crises that have afflicted the continent since its independence. The State or government has been described in different ways: as severe and mild, authoritarian and underdeveloped, corrupt, patrimonial, or as a motor of development. While some warn of the drawbacks of an excessively interventionist State, others warn of the dangers that ‘failed States’ or collapsed States would bring. Despite the different approaches under which we study, the government is often associated with equally nebulous concepts such as civil society- is almost always the concept under which we examine the political culture of the African continent as a whole. This article questions the meanings of the term ‘State’ and asks if it is possible to separate the analysis of the State from the leaders of different parties in power, in specific instances and at certain moments in time. This study is based in Mozambique and argues that, in many ways, with the exception of the symbolic, that the State collapsed in large parts of the country during the civil war (1977-1992). It describes the social formation of the elite that eventually led the Frelimo party, and demonstrates how these elite were able to maintain unity within the party and survive the challenges brought about by the post-independence period. However, the unity of the party’s social base is exclusive. It is therefore argued that instead of focusing on the types of African States, we must focus on the vision of statehood as a long and complex process of negotiation and confrontation between different social groups.Grande parte da pesquisa sobre a África no período pós-colonial coloca o Estado no papel principal – ou como causador – de muitas das crises que afetaram o continente desde a independência. O Estado tem sido descrito de diversas maneiras: como severo e suave, autoritário e subdesenvolvido, corrupto e neopatrimonial, ou como motor do desenvolvimento. Enquanto alguns alertam sobre os inconvenientes de um Estado excessivamente intervencionista, outros advertem sobre os perigos que acarretariam os “Estados falidos” ou os colapsos estatais. Apesar dos diferentes enfoques sob os quais se estuda, o Estado – associado frequentemente com conceitos igualmente nebulosos, como o de sociedade civil – é quase sempre o conceito sobre o qual se analisa a cultura política do continente africano como um todo. Este artigo questiona as acepções do termo “Estado” e se pergunta se é possível separar a análise do Estado da dos diferentes líderes ou partidos no poder, em instâncias específicas e durante certos momentos no tempo. Este estudo está baseado em Moçambique e argumenta que, em vários sentidos, e com exceção do simbólico, o Estado colapsou em amplas zonas do país durante a guerra civil (1977-1992). Descrevendo a formação social da elite que eventualmente liderou ao partido Frelimo, demonstra-se como essa elite foi capaz de manter a unidade interna do partido e sobreviver aos desafios que trouxe consigo o período de pós-independência. No entanto, a unidade da base social do partido é exclusiva. Argumenta-se, então, que em vez de nos concentrarmos nas tipologias do Estado africano, devemos focalizar-nos na visão da estatidade como um processo longo e complexo de negociação e confrontação entre diversos grupos sociais

Building Walls to Tame Time: Enclaves and the Enduring Power of Failure.

In this paper, I explore the ways in which the construction of enclaves became central to utopian attempts of social engineering and how their legacies shape contemporary society despite the failures of these projects. By focusing on the role of enclaving, in Maputo, the capital of Mozambique, I demonstrate how it derives its power as a walled remnant of the resuscitation of past utopian goals and simultaneously, by being presented as a solution to current festering urban problems, often themselves the result of previous attempts of enclaving. Rather than solely acting as an outgrowth of the most exclusionary aspects of contemporary capitalism, I argue that enclaving is a highly malleable strategy of enacting power despite its enduring failure

Enclaving: Spatial Detachment as an Aesthetics of Imagination in an urban sub-Saharan African context

While detachment and separation continue to be central to urban development across the globe, in several sub-Saharan African cities it has acquired a particular form of acute social and political efficacy. In many European and American cities, the making of fortified enclosures is considered as an effect of an endemic fear of societal dissolution and a growing number of sub-Saharan African cities are, seemingly, affected by a similar socio-political and economic dynamic. However, in sub-Saharan Africa the spatial lines of separation that isolate the affluent few from surrounding urban spaces follow both a much wider and less coordinated meshwork of social divisions and political fissures and draws on a deeper socio-cultural, economic and historical repertoire. In this article we trace the contours of enclaving as a critical urban driver, which is rapidly changing the social and physical fabric of cities across the sub-Saharan continent. Rather than considering enclaving simply as a physical manifestation of dominance and privilege, however, we consider it as an ‘aesthetics of imagination’ that migrates through the cities and thereby weaves together otherwise dissimilar and distinct social practices, spaces and political desires and economic aspirations

Tenuous belonging : citizenship and democracy in Mozambique

This article examines changing ideas of who constitutes a ‘deserving’ and ‘full’ citizen in Mozambique, from independence in 1975 to the present. I argue that the leadership of the ruling Frelimo Party attempted to occupy a position above society where it could determine the practices and behaviors that made one a loyal citizen and, conversely, those that made one an ‘alien’ or enemy. The adoption of liberal democracy in 1990 undermined the party’s right to define what a ‘true’ or ‘good’ Mozambican is, but not the underlying structural grammar. Thus, the meaning of citizenship is increasingly a floating signifier. To be designated an ‘outsider’ is to be an enemy, but it is no longer clear who has the power to define who is a ‘true’ Mozambican and who is not.Norwegian Research Council (NCR Project No. 222825/F10).http://journals.berghahnbooks.comhb201

‘No Smoke without Fire’: Citizenship and Securing Economic Enclaves in Mozambique

This article explores the complicated interrelationship between economic enclaves, their associated security practices and the formation of national citizens in Mozambique. From the colonial era of company rule to the large‐scale foreign direct investments of the present day, investors have feared the destructive fires of rampant ‘mobs’, unruly workers and the potentially rebellious populace more generally. Signs of smoke point to trouble for investors, who can draw on complex security arrangements, including corporate social responsibility programmes, unions, private security companies, community leaders, state police and specialized state and rapid response units with the latest communications and transport technologies, to try to protect their investments from labour unrest and political demands. Through a variety of ethnographic materials on mega‐investments in the sugar industry over the last two decades, the article explores the centrality of complex security arrangements to strategies of governance that use such arrangements in an attempt to produce disciplined national subjects