On compactly generated torsion pairs and the classification of co-t-structures for commutative noetherian rings

We classify compactly generated co-t-structures on the derived category of a commutative noetherian ring. In order to accomplish that, we develop a theory for compactly generated Hom-orthogonal pairs (also known as torsion pairs in the literature) in triangulated categories that resembles Bousfield localization theory. Finally, we show that the category of perfect complexes over a connected commutative noetherian ring admits only the trivial co-t-structures and (de)suspensions of the canonical co-t-structure and use this to describe all silting objects in the category.Comment: 34 pages. Version 2: minor corrections, references added and update

Voting out of Transition?:Perspectives on the Planned National Elections in South Sudan

Elections in December 2024 are foreseen as the culmination of South Sudan’s recovery from its civil war. Initially set out in the 2015 Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (ARCSS),2 and reaffirmed in its 2018 revitalization (R-ARCSS),3 these elections are meant to conclude the transitional period provided by the peace agreement. However, the elections are likely to face delays, again

An Iron Fist in Lakes State:Law, Order, and Volatility on the Margins

The governor of Lakes state, Rin Tueny Mabor, rules the state with an iron fist, and is credited with reducing overall levels of inter-communal violence during his two years in office. Despite widespread allegations of human rights violations linked to his heavy-handed approach to security, he has received considerable national recognition for pacifying Lakes state

Civil War in South Sudan: Bloody Ethno-Politics and a Failed International Engagement

Der südsudanesische Bürgerkrieg nimmt zunehmend Charakterzüge einer ethnopolitischen Auseinandersetzung an. Dennoch wäre es verfehlt, darin die Ursachen des Konfliktes erkennen zu wollen. Vielmehr ist der Alleinvertretungsanspruch der ehemaligen Befreiungsbewegung und jetzigen Regierungspartei SPLM/A ein wesentliches Hindernis für einen friedlichen Verlauf der Aushandlungsprozesse im südsudanesischen "Political Settlement". Die internationale Gemeinschaft hat keine Antworten auf diese Problematik gefunden und durch ihr Engagement diesen Alleinvertretungsanspruch faktisch unterstützt, was zu einer Verschärfung der gegenwärtigen Spannungen beigetragen hat.The South Sudanese civil war is showing an increasing tendency towards an ethno-political conflict. It would be a mistake, however, to interpret these as the root causes of the conflict. Rather, the claim of the former liberation movement and now ruling party SPLM/A to be the sole representative of South Sudanese politics represents a major obstacle to peaceful negotiation processes in the South Sudanese "political settlement". The international community was not able to provide adequate answers to this issue. In fact, it supported SPLM/A's claim to sole representation by its engagement, and was thus contributing to a worsening of the current tensions

Changing Lakes State?:Rin Tueny’s Inclusive Deterrence Approach in Practice

Since Rin Tueny Mabor became governor of Lakes state in 2021, security has significantly improved. To pacify Lakes state, Rin Tueny has employed a heavy-handed, security-first approach that puts deterrence before compliance with human rights and other legal standards. Nonetheless, even civil society organizations laud Rin Tueny’s apparent successes. This Briefing Paper explores the components of this ‘inclusive deterrence’ approach and the blind spots it entails. It also discusses whether this approach could be institutionalized if Rin Tueny leaves office to pursue a career at the national level

Identity Construction in Insurgent Movements: a Case Study of the Colombian Ejército de Liberación Nacional

In Studien im Bereich der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung und der kritischen Terrorismusforschung wurde Identität als Faktor herangezogen um die Beständigkeit von Guerilla/Terrorismus-Gruppierungen zu erklären. Dieser Artikel fokussiert sich auf die Identitätskonstruktion der linken, kolumbianischen Guerilla-Gruppierung "Ejército de Liberación Nacitonal" (ELN; Deutsch: Nationale Befreiungsarmee). Als marxistisch-leninistische Organisation ist es das erklärte Ziel der ELN den Kapitalismus zu überwinden. In der Perzeption der ELN erfordert die Überwindung des Kapitalismus die Überwindung des Individualismus und darum kreiert die ELN "kollektive Persönlichkeiten". In diesem Artikel werden die Mechanismen an Hand derer eine "kollektive Persönlichkeit" indoktriniert wird aufgezeigt. Diese spezifische Identitätskonstruktion ist der Hauptfaktor, warum Menschen in dieser Gruppierung bleiben und kämpfen, wodurch folglich die Beständigkeit der Gruppierung abgesichert wird.In conflict studies, identity has been posited as an explanatory factor of the resilience of insurgencies. This article focuses on the identity formation of the National Liberation Army (ELN), a leftist insurgency group in Colombia. As Marxist-Leninist organisation, the ELN aims to overcome capitalism. In their perception, this is possible via the transformation of the individual into a 'collective personality'. Along the dimensions of 'content' and ‘contestation’ we will demonstrate the mechanisms they impose for such identity formation. Identity, as we will argue, is a main factor in explaining why people participate in this insurgency and thereby enhance its resilience

The Concept of Resilience between State Security and Sovereign Security: a Look at Policy Challenges and Interests of the UK

Resilienz hat sich in den letzten Jahren zu einem Schlüsselbegriff in nationalen und internationalen Sicherheitskonzepten entwickelt. Der derzeitige Stand der Forschung verbindet das Konzept vielfach mit einer neoliberalen Politik des staatlichen Rückzugs aus seiner sicherheitspolitischen Verantwortung, oder mit einem nahezu totalitären Zugriff auf "resiliente Subjekte". Anhand einer empirischen Untersuchung der britischen Resilienz-Politik zeigt dieser Artikel, dass keiner dieser Ansätze zutrifft. Vielmehr entpuppt sich Resilienz als ein profaner Ansatz des Katastrophenschutzes auf lokaler Ebene. Allerdings ermöglicht Resilienz damit erst wieder die Sicherheitsverantwortlichkeit des Staates, der an seinem Versprechen der "umfassenden Sicherheit" gescheitert ist. Damit ist Resilienz nicht als Rückzug souveräner Sicherheitspolitik zu verstehen, sondern als staatliches Micro-Management der potenziellen Katastrophen. Resilienz löst daher die Idee einer souveränen Sicherheit auch nicht ab, sondern verbindet das sicherheitspolitisch Mögliche und Unmögliche in einem Resilienz-Sicherheits-Nexus.Resilience is on the rise in security policies, at the international as well as at the national level. Current academic research often links resilience with either the neoliberal retreat of the state and the respective attempt of 'governing from a distance', or with an almost totalitarian grasp of 'resilient subjects', or both. Against the background of the application of resilience in UK security policy, this article argues that resilience does neither of these. Instead, it unfolds as a rather mundane endeavour focused on micro-practices of civil emergency response at the local level. In doing so, resilience enables the repackaging of 'unbound security', which was doomed to fail in delivering its promise. It is, however, neither offering another promise nor symbolising a retreat from state responsibility, but engages in a defensive micro-management of potential catastrophe. Resilience hence does not replace security as a practice of the state deriving from its sovereignty, but links up with it to create a nexus between the doable and the undoable, the resilience-security-nexus