Association of abdominal adiposity with diabetes and cardiovascular disease in Latin America

Q3Q2769-774The authors explored whether the waist circumference (WC) cutoffs currently proposed to define abdominal obesity (AO) are associated with diabetes and cardiovascular disease (CVD) in Latin America. Primary care physicians in 12 countries were randomly chosen to measure WC and body mass index and record the presence of diabetes and CVD in all consecutive adult patients, consulting them on 2 prespecified half-days. Overall, 70% of 9719 men, and 76% of 18,526 women had AO. Diabetes was reported in 10% of men and 9% of women and CVD in 9% of men and 7% of women. AO was significantly related with diabetes (age-adjusted odds ratio, 1.63 for men and 2.86 for women) and with CVD (odds ratio, 1.41 for men and 1.62 for women). Obesity was also significantly related with diabetes and CVD. Strikingly, abdominal adiposity was very frequent in women with normal body mass index, suggesting that an evidence-based definition of abdominal adiposity in Latin America is needed

The effects of centralising electoral management board design

The public administration of elections frequently fails. Variation in the performance of electoral management boards around the world has been demonstrated, illustrated by delays in the count, inaccurate or incomplete voter registers, or severe queues at polling stations. Centralising the management of the electoral process has often been proposed as a solution. There has been little theorisation and no empirical investigations into the effects that centralising an already decentralised system would have, however. This article addresses this lacuna by conceptualising centralisation through the literature on bureaucratic control and discretion. It then empirically investigates the effects through a case study of centralisation in two UK referendums. Semi-structured interviews were used with those who devised the policy instrument and those who were subject to it. The introduction of central directions had some of the desired effects such as producing more consistent services and eliminating errors. It also had side effects, however, such as reducing economic efficiency in some areas and overlooking local knowledge. Furthermore, the reforms caused a decline of staff morale, job satisfaction and souring of relations among stakeholder organisations. The process of making organisational change therefore warrants closer attention by policy makers and future scholarship on electoral integrity

African Conference on Constitutional Building, 25th - 27th November 2008, Cotonou, Benin

Draft reportThis report covers the sessions of the Conference, which included: Participation in a Constitution Building Process; The Challenges of Implementation; Strategies and Structures for Reinforcing African Constitutions; Protections of Constitutions and African Constitutional Integration; and recommendations from each session. In order to consolidate democratic strides on the continent, the African Union adopted, in January 2007, an African Charter on democracy, elections and governance. In its article 23, the Charter condemns all unconstitutional changes of government and all constitutional revisions which put the democratic political changeover of power into question

Electoral Violence Prevention:What Works?

<p>Elections are in theory democratic means of resolving disputes and making collective decisions, yet too often force is employed to distort the electoral process. The post-Cold War increase in the number of electoral authoritarian and hybrid states has brought this problem into relief. In recent years the prevention of electoral violence has played an increasingly large role in the democratic assistance activities undertaken by international agencies, following increased awareness within the international community of the specific security challenges that elections entail. However, there has to date been little systematic evaluation of the success of different electoral violence prevention (EVP) strategies in reforming electoral institutions so as to enable them to maintain the peace during the electoral period. This article assesses the effectiveness of two common types of international EVP activity. Using a new global dataset of EVP strategies between 2003 and 2015, this article finds evidence that capacity-building strategies reduce violence by non-state actors, whereas attitude-transforming strategies are associated with a reduction in violence by state actors and their allies. The findings are relevant both for understanding the dynamics of electoral violence, and also for policymakers and electoral assistance providers in the international community who have responsibility for the design of democratic assistance projects in states at risk of electoral violence.</p