Interpretation of the Great Votive Deposits og Iron Age Weapons

Interpretation of the Great Votive Deposits og Iron Age Weapon

Et bundt våben fra Vimose

A bundle of weapons from Vimose An integral find from the weapon offering in Vimose is the main subject of this article. The excavator, Conrad Engelhardt, himself drew attention to this find, but it has not been dealt with since the Vimose publication.The find consists of 29 lance heads (without barbs), 8 spearheads (with barbs) and a silver plated bronze plate from a sword hilt, all wrapped in a piece of woven woollen cloth. No exact parallels to the bronze plate are known, and this article therefore deals exclusively with the 37 spear- and lance heads which have been identified. But spear- and lance heads from the Roman period have never been treated so comprehensively that they can be directly placed culturally and chronologically. The material from the weapon graves, which has furnished type artefacts, comprises in particular sword fittings and shield bosses, in conjunction, of course, with any imports and in very rare cases with brooches. The procedure followed here is therefore a detailed analysis of the spear- and lance heads found in the bundle, an evaluation of the different types, and a comparison with weapons recovered from graves.A prerequisite for a detailed analysis of spear- and lance heads is a definition of elements, appendix 1. In fig. 2 and 3 the various forms of blade/point and socket sections found in spear- and lance heads from Vimose, Nydam, Krage­hul, Illerup Ådal and several small votive finds are shown.Lance headsThe blade section serves as the basis for the division of the 29 lance heads in the bundle. This element has the advantage that it is often possible to determine even in corroded and fragmented specimens found in graves. The following blade sections are represented: 2 and 2b, 3, 5 and 6.All the lance heads in the bundle have curved blade, except perhaps for no. 24742, which may have had a simple blade. The socket outline varies more, but the concave form predominates with 24 specimens. Only 4 are straight and 1 convex.The lance heads of section 2 and 2b (fig. 4) do not comprise a homogeneous group, since the rhombic blade section is found with both straight and symmetrical concave sides. The socket sections also vary. The total length of the lance heads varies between 14.2 and 23.3 cm and the average blade thickness is only 0.65 cm as against 1.15 cm in lance heads of blade section 6. None of the lance heads is decorated.It is characteristic of the lance heads with blade section of form 3 (fig. 5 and 6) that the section of the distal 8 cm changes to form 2. The overall length of the two specimens is about 21 cm and one is decorated with chasing on both socket and blade. Lance heads with this blade section are not known from Scandinavian grave finds and will not be treated further here.Lance heads with blade section of form 5 (fig. 7 and 8) merge into form 2 10.0, 7.0 and 10.5 cm from the point respectively. The socket sections are respectively of form 6, 2 and 5. Two of the three socket sections are characterized by small facets of uniform width. The overall length varies from 20.7 to 33.6 cm, and two of the three heads are chased on the upper part of the socket and on the blade. In spite of the differences in size there are so many common features that the heads are referred to the same type, named after the lance head in the Lyng­højgård grave and defined:- 1: blade section of form 5, merging into form 2 more than 3 cm from the point and 2: curved blade.The lance heads with blade section of form 6 (fig. 13-22) are divided into various types, called after some of the types shown in the scheme fig. 29.The Gamme type (fig. 13 c) is defined primarily on the shape of the socket, which is cylindrical, i. e. with a straight profile and the greatest thickness minus the smallest thickness less than 0.5 cm. The blade can vary, Lance heads with blade section 2 and 26 and 6 also being referred to the type. The blade may be simple or curved. The Vennolum type (fig. 14) is defined by:- 1: blade section of form 6, 2: curved blade, 3: concave, not cylindrical socket, socket length less than 3/8 of the blade length, 5: blade width greater than 3.5 cm. The Skiaker type (fig. 16) has the same blade section, blade shape and socket section as the Vennolum type, but the socket length is more than or equal to 3/8 of the blade length and the blade width less than or equal to 3.5 cm.These lance heads are shown in the table fig. 12, where also the Svennum type (20), which does not occur in the bundle, is included. The Gamme type is in the bundle represented by 1 specimen, the Vennolum type by 7, and the Skiaker type by 8. In addition there are 2 hybrid forms (Vennolum/Skiaker) and 2 special forms. A more detailed description of lance heads of the Vennolum and Skiaker types is found in fig. 10 and 11, where the dimensions are shown in histogram form.6 of the 7 lance heads of Vennolum type are chased on the blade and one of them has in addition metal inlay. All lance heads of Skiaker type in the bundle are chased. Chasing and inlays are seen in fig. 17-22.SpearheadsThere are only 8 spearheads in the bundle. All the spearhead types from Vimose are therefore used in the type classification, except specimens with a boss on the socket, those with only one barb, those with another socket section than forms 5 and 6 and those with convex socket.Every spearhead in the bundle has a curved blade and 7 out of 8 have a concave socket outline, the remaining specimen having a convex one. The point section is in all specimens of form 2 and only socket form 5 or 6 is represented, i. e. with 10 or 12 facets of uniform width.The Simris spearhead type (fig. 26) (see Simris grave 41 in the scheme fig. 29) is defined by:- 1: curved blade, 2: point/socket ratio greater than or equal to 0.66.The Skiaker spearhead type (fig. 27 and the Skiaker grave in the scheme fig. 29) is defined by:- 1: curved blade, 2: point/socket ratio greater than or equal to 0.33 but less than 0.66 and 3: point width less than 1.2 cm.The scheme fig. 23 also shows the Svennum spearhead type which does not occur in the cloth bundle (21). This differs from the Skiaker type in that the point width is larger than or equal to 1.2 cm.The Simris type is represented by 4 specimens, the Skiaker type by 3, and in addition there is a single spearhead of special form (fig. 25). None of the spear­heads is chased, but one is furnished with metal inlay (fig. 26 a and fig. 28).ChronologyAlthough all spear- and lance heads in the bundle were obviously deposited at the same time, one would still expect to be able to indicate time differences, because spear- and lance heads are unlikely to be of the same age at the time of deposition.A number of finds from weapon-containing graves in Denmark, Norway and Sweden, containing lance heads of types represented in the bundle, serve as a foundation for a relative chronology. These graves are shown in the scheme fig. 29.Lance heads with blade section 2 and 2b are known from inter alia the Danish graves Harnebjerg and Kagstedhøj and a Swedish grave from Kornettskogen. They were found with shield bosses with conical top or with pointed bosses, dated to the early Roman Iron Age. The Kornettskogen grave also contained a single-edged sword.The lance head of blade section 3 is not as far as I know found in Scandnavian graves.The Lynghøjgård type of lance head was found in the Lynghøjgård grave with a spearhead with a boss on the socket and only one barb, a single-edged sword, and a shield-handle fitting with nails with thimble-like heads. The Norwegian grave of Østre Hovin contains a variant of the Lynghøjgård type, a spearhead with point section 2b, a single-edged sword, a rod shield-boss and a shield-handle fitting with offset ends. According to these finds the Lynghøjgård lance head type should be referred to the early Roman lron Age.In 6 of 9 graves with lance heads of Gamme type, spearheads with a boss on the socket were also found, and in 6 out of 8 graves with shield bosses there are rod bosses, whilst in the other two there are pointed bosses. Further, 4 out of 6 swords are double-edged short swords.In graves with lance heads of Vennolum type there are also characteristic common features. All the shield bosses are of the semicircular type, 4 of which have an added top. All the swords, apart from the double-edged short sword in the Vennolum grave, are double-edged long swords. The spearhead types are, however, different. The Norwegian grave from Hunn contains one spearhead with bossed socket; 3 spearheads are of Simris type, and 2 of Skiaker type.The Øvre Skiaker grave is the only certain case of a combination of the Skiaker types, but this probably also applies to Simris grave 88.The seriated type combination diagram fig. 30 comprises all the graves from the scheme fig. 29 and it is shown that the graves in the upper part of the diagram should be referred to the early Roman lron Age. Simris grave 88 at the bottom of the diagram contains a fibula with a tall pin catch (Almgren VII, 196), which is late Roman Iron Age. The Norwegian grave from Gullen contains, besides the weapons, two strongly profiled fibulae (Almgren IV, 88) and a bronze vessel of Eggers' type 44. The fibulae normally belong to the early Roman Iron Age but are of a developed form, and the bronze vessel is known in this form from both the early and the late Roman period. The Gullen grave is thus most probably attributable to the beginning of the late Roman Iron Age.The graves with lance heads of Gamme type must be placed between the early Roman Lynghøjgård grave and the Gullen grave, but a boundary between the early and the late Roman period within this group of graves cannot be de­monstrated, for they lack fibulae and the imported ware does not afford critical dating. There are thus only weapons remaining as a basis for dating. The spear­head with bossed socket was found in the Hunn grave and the rod boss disappears in the present material, before the advent of the shield boss with semicircular top. The single-edged sword in some of the graves of the group points back to the early Roman Iron Age, whereas the double-edged short sword in others points forward to the later Roman period, since the Vennolum grave contains one. The Vennolum grave is otherwise characterized by the double-edged long sword. All these features suggest that a number of the graves with lance heads of Gamme type should be referred to the early Roman Iron Age, whilst others may be referred to the late Roman Iron Age, to which also the Vennolum and Skiaker groups must be dated.The youngest artefacts in the bundle are thus from the late Roman Iron Age and most probably the beginning, because the Svennum types, which mainly belong to Eggers' period C2, do not occur in Vimose, either in the bundle or in the find as a whole.Battle damage or deliberate destructionAs is apparent from the illustrations of the individual spear- and lance heads in the cloth bundle, many of the pieces are bent and hacked. In a few there are stubs of spear shafts, but in the majority the shafts have completely disappeared. With respect to the damage, Engelhardt writes (22) that even if, for example, hacks can easily derive from battle, the deliberate destruction after the battle is obvious, nearly everything having been deposited in an unusable state for the owner. This conception of an extensive and deliberate destruction is also emphasized by Brøndsted (23). Neither Brøndsted nor Engelhardt rules out battle damage, but the picture of an almost total destruction in the sacrificial phase is the one which stands out in the mind of the reader.All the shafts of lances and spears in the bundle are broken and only a few stumps are left, but with respect to the points the destruction is far from total. Only exceptionally can an unequivocal deliberate spoiling of the points be recognized. 7 points without hacks or bends could have been used again after rehafting and many of the bent pieces would be usable after very little repair.Interpretation of the weapon offeringsBrøndsted conceived the entire Vimose find as the result of two or more depositions, one in the late Roman Iron Age and at least one in the early Roman Iron Age, while Ørsnes underlines the possibility that the main part of the Vimose find can be the result of one deposition, based on the conclusions drawn from the Ejsbøl Nord site, which covered a great span of time.However, Scandinavian grave finds do not suggest that antiquated weapons were used to any extent. In the cloth bundle there were indeed 11 lance and spearheads, which are known in corresponding form from the early Roman Iron Age, but this can be explained by the time of deposition being close to the transition between the early and the late phase. Types of swords, shield bosses and spear- and lance heads which are not known from weapon graves of the Scandinavian late Roman Iron Age suggest that the Vimose find should be divided into several depositions from the early Roman Iron Age, comprising about 1/3 of all lance points and 1/5 of all spearheads, and one deposition in the late Roman Iron Age with the remaining 2/3 of the lance heads and 4/5 of the spearheads.In the weapon graves from the late Roman Iron Age a spearhead nearly always accompanies a lance head in the Scandinavian area. Only occasionally do two lance heads occur together (3), and certain examples of, for instance, 2 lance heads and 1 spearhead or other combinations with more than 2 spear- or lance heads are not known. In the early Roman Iron Age there are far more lance heads than spearheads. One would therefore expect to find most lance heads in the weapon offerings of the early Roman Iron Age, while depositions from the late Roman Iron Age should comprise equal numbers of spear- and lance heads.These circumstances fit Vimose's early Roman Iron Age part and the Ejsbøl Nord site from the late Roman Iron Age, but neither the cloth bundle nor the whole late Roman Iron Age part of Vimose fits the picture.Further light may perhaps be cast on the different relations between the number of spear- and lance heads in depositions from the late Roman Iron Age by examining the interpretation models for weapon offerings. If the late Roman Iron Age deposition in Vimose is conceived as a partial sacrifice, then the spoils have been divided into two heaps before the offering, one to be offered and one to be distributed as battle spoils. What is more natural than to imagine battle­damaged weapons laid in the heap of weapons destined for sacrifice? In this way it is to a certain extent fortuitous what is offered and one obtains a possible explanation of the disparity between the number of spear- and lance heads in the later part of Vimose and an explanation of why so many weapons are obviously secondarily spoiled, and why so many show battle damage.Ørsnes shows at the Ejsbøl Nord site that various artefact types are represented by almost equal numbers of objects and one must here accept the idea of a total sacrifice. But there is reason to show caution about applying the same model to different depositions. Skedemosse, which consists of many small depositions, cannot be compared with the different Danish weapon offerings, with the possible exception of the Thorsbjerg find, but not even the Danish depositions can apparently be interpreted uniformly. Some possibly represent partial sacrifice, others total.Jørgen Ilkjæ

Illerup – mellem Nordkap og Nilen

Illerup – between the North Cape and the NileFor fifty years, Forhistorisk Museum in Århus and later Moesgård Museum has provided the base for the work with the finds from the river valley of Illerup, which were first published in Kuml 1951. The excavations are long since finished and in a few years the whole find will be published and accessible to the public in an exhibition.In the search for explanations and parallels to the army equipment we have covered much ground, and what might have become a catalogue of finds with selected illustrations has developed into a study of the ancient world in the centuries around the beginning of the Christian era. It is already obvious that the scholarly adaptation so far is merely the beginning of investigations to which the only limit is our imagination. Analyses of the numerous artefacts have for instance taken us to Rome, where triumphal arches and other monuments boast weapons and belt outfit corresponding to the artefacts from the wetland areas of Southern Scandinavia (figs. 1-4). Other items have their parallels in Syria, Africa, or Northern England, and an overall evaluation shows that the Illerup find holds elements that reflect the culture in vast areas, Roman and Teutonic (figs. 5-10).According to the plan, the presentation and discussion of the topics that are naturally connected with certain find groups will be finished within a few years, and only then will it be possible to tackle the investigations into the more delimited problems, which have so far arisen from the work in progress.One example of this could be the DNA analyses that have developed in such a way during the last few years that they can be used for biological material from the wetland finds. Also, metallurgic investigations of iron and precious metal analyses have been initiated. While working with the shields, the wood of both boards and handles were identified, and the results caused the planning of supplementary studies, using for instance dendrochronology. Investigation into the textile remains of the find are also expected to yield new information. The results of recent bog find research may be used successfully in new analyses of bog finds from the 19th century. Engelhardt’s publications – outstanding as they might be – are subjective in as far as Engelhardt, according to contemporary criteria chose the finds that were to be described or depicted. The selection is not representative and has led to wrong in terpretations of the find contents. These im balances should now be corrected and the old bog finds made accessible in a satisfying manner, i.e. published and republished according to modern standards. As it has also turned out that the knowledge of the preservation conditions of the same finds is limited, future work should include investigations into the present state of the find sites.To solve the tasks mentioned through international cooperation, we are now planning a centre for Iron Age research at Moesgård, where from 2003 we can exploit an established network of scholars involved in the study of the Iron Age.Jørgen IlkjærMoesgård MuseumTranslated by Annette Lerche Troll

Illerup Ådal, excavations 1976

                      Illerup Ådal, excavations 1976 The 1976 excavations of the lllerup Ådal weapon offerings were the hitherto most extensive with respect both to area and finds. The material was augmented with about 600 items and the excavated area doubled to about 1600 m2 The disposition of the finds also shows that an area of about the same size remains to be investigated. The 1976 excavations were carried out with the purpose of rescuing artefacts from the partly destroyed area near the original lake shore and of delimiting the two offering sites. The action went according to plan, a large part of the threatened area being investigated. One of the most important finds came from this very area. This was a shield-handle mount of bronze with a runic inscription. The runes have not been completely deciphered yet, but possibly read swarta, an Old Norse form of the word black. The inscription is one of the oldest known. The delimitation of the two offering areas was not entirely successful on account of the large amount of material, but there is reason to hope that the younger offering place can be defined in the course of 1977. It was in particular the older area from the time around 200 A. D. which furnished the greatest surprises. Hitherto by far the greater part of the finds from this area has consisted of weapons, while other equipment in the form of mounts, buckles, etc., has been largely lacking. It emerged that these missing elements lay in heaps further out in the bog, where we had expected to find a clear demarcation of the artefact-bearing area. These heaps lay in fact more than 30m out in the bog, and it was soon apparent that this material could not have been cast into the Iron Age lake from the shore, but must have been sailed out and dumped overboard or laid on the frozen lake. These new features of the offering finds from Illerup mean that we do not know how many artefacts the bog still holds, but the distribution shown in the survey plan, fig. 1, does show that we have to move further and deeper into the bog. Our efforts have been richly rewarded. This may be seen from a couple of finds from last summer, an arm-ring of fire-gilt silver on a bronze core, fig. 9, and a brooch of bronze and silver with inlaid blue glass beads. Jørgen Ilkjær og Jørn Lønstru

Nye udgravninger i Illerup ådal

New excavations in Illerup Ådal In the summer of 1975 study of the weapon offerings in Illerup Ådal was resumed. The first excavations of this extensive site were undertaken by Harald Andersen in 1950-1956. Since then no work has been carried out in the field, but certain analyses of the excavated material have been made. The present interim report describes the 1975 excavations and deals with some of the problems raised in connection with the find.Harald Andersen demonstrated that the Illerup find comprised several offerings: Site 1, the east area, from about 400 A. D., site 2, the west area, from about 200 A. D. and site 3 about coeval with site 2. The location of these three areas is shown in fig. 1.Examination of the material excavated earlier has revealed that items recovered from the north-western part of site 1 are synchronous with those recovered from sites 2 and 3. These specimens cannot have been cast from the spot from which site 2 objects were thrown, because the distance of 40 m is too great.These objects, with Harald Andersen's site 3, raise problems which can only be solved by excavating the area west of site 1 and north of site 2.Experimentally, in the hope of easing excavation, we carried out in co-operation with Niels Abrahamsen, Geophysical Institute, University of Århus, proton magnetometer measurements in the area in question, and a test area was selected (fig. 2), where strongly diverging values could be checked and any extension of site 3 be registered.The results exceeded expectations (fig. 3). A dense concentration of shield bosses, swords, spear- and lance heads, arrowheads, knives and shafts of thrusting weapons and missiles was found.We also established a test area close to the old lake shore in order to observe the circumstances of preservation and possibly to find a limit of site 2. No boundary was found, site 2 objects being present. Preservation was found to be poor due to the subsidence of the top ½ m of the bog. The artefacts now lay just at the transition to the topsoil.At a distance of 6-7 m from the ancient lake shore was a compact stone pavement which must have been hidden at the bottom of the lake and probably covered by a growth of rushes. No marking of these stones with posts was found. They probably served as a platform for throwing artefacts into site 3, the area of the summer excavation and the outer part of site 1. This can, however, first be ascertained with certainty, when the area has been completely excavated.The excavation has yielded a broad cross-section of artefacts in the new site 3, which comprises Harald Andersen's site 3 and the area excavated last summer. The recent excavation yielded 20 swords and sword fragments, 8 of which were entire or nearly so, and 3 point fragments. Stamps and trade marks were common and an example is seen in fig. 6. The inscription should probably be rendered ACRISSIM MA, 'by Acrissim's hand'. On another sword is written EGO FE, 'I have made'.The hilt on Acrissim's sword (fig. 7) has been ingeniously made. Bronze rings and iron rivets held together an organic material which has not survived the stay in the bog.The sword in fig. 8 had a partially preserved hilt of bone. The guard is made of a hollow bone formed into a half cylinder. The holes in the bone must have been closed with bronze plates. The grip is likewise of hollow bone, decorated with longitudinal grooves.The shield bosses were of forms known from the Vimose find. Two had an added top as Vimose pl. 5 :7 (7) and the others are of the type illustrated Vimose pl. 5:10 (8).The 21 spear- and lance heads correspond closely to those dealt with in the article on the Vimose weapon find (9). Some examples are shown in fig. 9. From the left are shown the Vennolum type of lance head, the Simris spearhead type and the Skiaker lance and spearhead types.A prominent single find is shown in fig. 10. This is a silver plated bronze fitting, which has been fastened to a strap and possibly served as a strap gatherer.The objects in the test area must be dated on the basis of the content of spear­ and lance heads to the beginning of the late Roman Iron Age and be approximately coeval with the weapon find from Vimose (10). Chronologically, the objects found in the recent excavation also correspond very closely to those known from sites 2-3 and 1 north-west. A brief summary of the content of these sites, in comparison with artefacts from the somewhat later site 1, shows this in greater detail. In fig. 11 and 12 are shown spear- and lance heads from sites 2-3 and 1 respectively and in fig. 13 a sword from site 2 (left) may be compared with a sword from site 1 (right). Fig. 14 shows a shield boss from site 2 and fig. 15 one from site 1.The coming excavations will perhaps supplement the rich finds of weapons with fittings, fibulae and belt buckles, which are so far few. In sites 2-3 there are possibilities, but site 1 must be considered almost depleted.Jørgen Ilkjær og Jørn Lønstru

Runefundene fra Illerup ådal. En arkæologisk vurdering af vores ældste indskrifter

The Runes from Illerup River Valley From the sacrifices of war booty at Thorsbjerg and Vimose, early runic inscriptions are known. Expectations of further finds of runes from the Late Roman Iron Age were therefore great when in 1975 we resumed the excavations in Illerup river valley, and so far the results have been abundant. The first of four inscriptions was found on a shield handle mounting of bronze (fig. 1). On the one handle surface of the mounting was the inscription swarta, a man's name, probably that of the owner of the shield. The inscription would have been visible to the bearer of the shield. The next two inscriptions were identical, oj ingaz, one of which was carved, the other stamped, on lance heads of Vennolum type (4) (fig. 2). The runes were placed on the blades of the lance heads, which were also ornamented with chasing. The two inscriptions were not made on the lance heads later than the other ornamentation. The last inscription was found on a plane excavated in 1980, and dates from one of the great piles of objects which were part of the earliest sacrifice in the find. Fig. 3 indicates the fragmented condition of the plane. On the basis of a comparison to a similar plane from the Vimose find (5) we can estimate its original length to about 40 cm. Its greatest dimension is now 22.3 cm. The underside of the plane is hollow, and there can be no doubt that it was used for planing off spear and lance shafts. Fig. 3 also shows ornamentation which had covered most of the surface of the plane. Straight lines, carved with a sharp knife, are placed in various patterns. The runes, which are read as afi(l)aiki (7) are carved in exactly the same manner, and the inscription must have been made at the same time as the rest of the ornamentation. Dating All the runic inscriptions were found on objects which were part of the earliest sacrifice of the Illerup find. Investigations in recent years have shown that this sacrifice covers a considerable area, at present at least 30,000 sq. m. On the basis of the assembling of fragments from different areas to one and the same weapon, we believe it certain that site 2 was sacrificed on a single occasion. As an absolute chronological fixed point for the dating of the runes from Illerup, we have the coins, the Roman denarii. The youngest among the approximately 125 denarii found at site 2 was struck 187-88 AD, and consequently the sacrifice must have been made after this date. The difference between the latest denarius and the sacrifice can hardly be greater than 10-15 years. This evaluation is based in part upon the chronological distribution of the coins, in part upon the relative chronology of the Late Roman Iron Age in Northern Europe. The site 2 sacrifice contains leading types (such as early variants of shield bosses of Jahn's form 6) for Godlowski's horizon 2a, that is, in per. C 1b of the relative chronology (12). To elucidate the relative weapon chronology, we have worked out a diagram of type combinations (fig. 4) in which the vertical columns are the weapon graves and the horizontal rows are the various weapon types of chronological importance. The limits of the periods are indicated in the diagram. In connection with his treatment of the Thorsbjerg find, (14), Raddatz has juxtaposed the North European relative chronology to the absolute, Roman chronology. One of the most significant results was the determination of period C 1's beginning to before the Marcomanni Wars (166-180). Inscriptions found in bogs In an earlier work (8), an attempt has been made to evaluate the complex Vimose find. The spear head and lance head types indicated that by far the largest part of the find was sacrificed in per. C 1b. It is probable that the five objects with runes from the Vimose find belong to the main sacrifice. In any case, they are not later, as a subsequent intermixture of military equipment cannot be observed. For the past fifty years, the Thorsbjerg find has been regarded as a gradual accumulation of objects belonging to the local population (25). A new study of the find, however, shows that Thorsbjerg can be interpreted as three sacrifices of war booty, the largest of which, from per. C 1b, includes more than 90% of the material. On the basis of the fibula types, it has also been shown that the sacrificed objects from this period belonged to an army which originated in the region between the Elbe and the Rhine (26). The ferrule and the fragmented bronze shield boss with the runic inscriptions belonged to the main sacrifice, and the ferrule inscription, at least, comes from the West Germanic region. The shield boss inscription was possibly made in connection with the sacrifice. Inscriptions from graves and stray finds The Norwegian grave complex from Stabu contains a lance head with runes (37). Stabu consists of at least three interments, but the runic lance of Vennolum type can only be ascribed to per. C 1b. The Mos grave on Gotland has not been professionally investigated (42). The lance head with incrusted runes is linked to the Gamme type (8), but differs from this by the shape of the socket. The spear head with a bead on the socket from the Mos grave appears most frequently in per. C 1a, but in the Norwegian Hunn grave, for example, it is found in a C 1b context. If the shield handle mounting and the shield boss belong together with the runic lance, then a dating to per. C 1b is certain. The Mos lance is related to the incrusted lance heads from Dahmsdorf (46), Kowel (47), and the spear head from Rozwadow (48). A dating of the three East European pieces to per. C 1a is not improbable, but on the other hand it cannot be proven. In the earliest group of runic inscriptions, we ought to include the five inscriptions on fibulae from Gårdlösa (49), Værløse (51), Næsbjerg (52), Himlingøje (53), and Nøvling (54), which are dated to per. C 1b or slightly later. Comparative remarks With the find of the plane from Illerup, a total of 21 inscriptions from the period c. 200 AD is known. This sudden and overwhelming appearance of runes can be explained on the basis of the nature of the source material: first, the thousands of well-preserved objects from the sacrifices of war booty at Vimose, Thorsbjerg, and Illerup; second, the rich graves from the beginning of the Late Roman Iron Age. In a runic context, there is a fundamental difference between the find groups. Whereas the graves are exponents for the local society, the sacrifices of war booty are characteristic for a society other than that of the find area. The available maps of the distribution of the runes (56) therefore cannot form a basis for the determination of the area in which runic script originated. The archaeological determination of the spreading of the runes to the Scandinavian as well as the East and West Germanic areas c. 200 AD confirms the assumption prevailing in alphabet history that runes were known far earlier. In an attempt to explain why and how runes originated, runologists stress the strong connections between the Roman Empire and Germania Libera in the first centuries AD (58). This explanation is plausible, but can be further elaborated by calling attention to the massive presence of Latin letters on Roman coins throughout Germania in that very period, the couple of centuries AD. Jørgen llkjær, Jørn Lønstrup                        &nbsp

Targeted Temperature Management for 48 vs 24 Hours and Neurologic Outcome After Out-of-Hospital Cardiac Arrest:A Randomized Clinical Trial

IMPORTANCE: International resuscitation guidelines recommend targeted temperature management (TTM) at 33°C to 36°C in unconscious patients with out-of-hospital cardiac arrest for at least 24 hours, but the optimal duration of TTM is uncertain. OBJECTIVE: To determine whether TTM at 33°C for 48 hours results in better neurologic outcomes compared with currently recommended, standard, 24-hour TTM. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS: This was an international, investigator-initiated, blinded-outcome-assessor, parallel, pragmatic, multicenter, randomized clinical superiority trial in 10 intensive care units (ICUs) at 10 university hospitals in 6 European countries. Three hundred fifty-five adult, unconscious patients with out-of-hospital cardiac arrest were enrolled from February 16, 2013, to June 1, 2016, with final follow-up on December 27, 2016. INTERVENTIONS: Patients were randomized to TTM (33 ± 1°C) for 48 hours (n = 176) or 24 hours (n = 179), followed by gradual rewarming of 0.5°C per hour until reaching 37°C. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES: The primary outcome was 6-month neurologic outcome, with a Cerebral Performance Categories (CPC) score of 1 or 2 used to define favorable outcome. Secondary outcomes included 6-month mortality, including time to death, the occurrence of adverse events, and intensive care unit resource use. RESULTS: In 355 patients who were randomized (mean age, 60 years; 295 [83%] men), 351 (99%) completed the trial. More patients in the 48-hour group had a favorable outcome, but this was not statistically significant. Six-month mortality was not different between the groups. Adverse events were more common in the 48-hour group than in the 24-hour group. There was no significant difference in the time to mortality (hazard ratio, 0.79; 95% CI, 0.54-1.15; P = .22). The median length of ICU stay (151 vs 117 hours; P < .001), but not hospital stay (11 vs 12 days; P = .50), was longer in the 48-hour group than in the 24-hour group. (Table Presented) CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE: In unconscious survivors from out-of-hospital cardiac arrest admitted to the ICU, targeted temperature management at 33°C for 48 hours did not significantly improve 6-month neurologic outcome compared with targeted temperature management at 33°C for 24 hours. However, the study may have had limited power to detect clinically important differences, and further research may be warranted. TRIAL REGISTRATION: clinicaltrials.gov Identifier: NCT01689077.SCOPUS: ar.jinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishe