Russia – Central Asia Relations in the Gas Industry

The discussion of the energy security of Europe is focused mainly on Russia. However, Russia - Central Asia energy relations became very important in Eurasia after the dissolution of the USSR. While its reserves of strategic raw materials (especially gas) are not comparable with those in Russia, Central Asia could be an additional source for supplying these raw materials to Europe. Europe should be involved in "The Great Game" for Central Asian gas.The significance of Central Asia regarding the increasing demand for gas in Europe cannot be overestimated. On the other hand, due to the growing interest of China and other Asian powers in Central Asia, maintaining a local gas pipeline network which would move gas in the direction of Europe (rather than in the direction of other Asian countries) should be a priority for both European countries and Russia. The rivalry between Russian and non-Russian pipeline projects for delivering gas is secondary in this context

An Invasion of China to Central Asia? The Chances and Limits of Mutual Relations

The Central Asian region is often interpreted in European discourse as an arena of clashes between the “West” and Russia, particularly over energy resources. The significance of China in the region remains an underrated subject of research. At the same time China is expanding its influence in the region through “soft diplomacy” at the expense of Russia and (above all) other powers interested in local resources. The article analyses the Chinese presence in the region since 1991, emphasizing the first decade of the 21st century. The relations between Central Asia and China are researched from the Central Asian point of view and with a focus on on the politicial, economical (stressing energy factors) and institutional (Shanghai Cooperation Organization) level. In sum, it seems that the growing Chinese influence over the region has its limits as well and that the “Chinese expansion” is overestimated to a large exten

Turkmenistan at the Last Stage of Perestroika. Determinants of an Authoritarian Path

This article focuses on the power shifts in Turkmenistan between the rule of Muhammetnazar Gapurov, the long-term First Secretary of the Turkmen SSR Communist Party and the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The special focus is on the transformation of the elite, power structures and political culture under Saparmurat Niyazov and the emergence and struggle of the alternative groups trying to challenge the order established under the last First Secretary. It argues that Niyazov developed the political culture set up under Gapurov, adding his personal character to the process. These factors determined the largely unsuccessful attempt of the alternative and opposition groups to change the Turkmen SSR in the last stages of perestroika. The political culture established in these and the first subsequent years within independent Turkmenistan also determined the character of the Turkmen regime and the composition of the elite for many years ahead, with significant impact on the system under the second president Berdimuhamedov.Cet article traite des changements de pouvoir au Turkménistan entre le régime de Muhammetnazar Gapurov, Premier Secrétaire du Parti communiste de la RSS turkmène et la dissolution de l’Union soviétique. L’accent est mis sur la transformation de l’élite, des structures de pouvoir et de la culture politique sous Saparmurat Niyazov et l’émergence et la lutte des groupes alternatifs tentant de contester l’ordre établi sous le dernier Premier Secrétaire. Il soutient l’idée que Niyazov a développé la culture politique mise en place sous Gapurov, en y ajoutant son caractère personnel au processus. Ces facteurs ont déterminé la tentative largement infructueuse des groupes alternatifs et d’opposition de changer la RSS turkmène dans les dernières étapes de la perestroïka. La culture politique établie au cours de ces années et des premières années du Turkménistan indépendant a également déterminé le caractère du régime turkmène et la composition de l’élite pour les années futures, avec un impact significatif sur le système sous le second président Berdimuhamedov.Статья анализирует передачу власти в Туркменистане начиная с конца длительного срока первого секретаря Коммунистической партии Туркменской сср Мухамметназара Гапурова до распада Советского союза. Особенное внимание уделено вопросам трансформации элит, властных структур и политической культуры тогдашней Туркмении под Сапармуратом Ниязовым. Анализ включает и развитие альтернативных структур пытающихся противостоять тенденциям правления Первого секретаря Партии. Оказывается, что Ниязов дальше развивал и углублял политическую культуру основанную Гапуровым и добавил в нее свой персональный характер. Фактор инерции политической культуры во многом предопределил провал целей оппозиционных групп в Туркменской сср в последние годы перестройки. Установленная в республике политическая культура в эти и последующие годы независимого Туркменистана также предопределила характер режима и состава элиты на много десятилетий вперед с непосредственным влиянием на систему нынешнего второго президента Гурбангули Бердимухамедова

The investment climate in Turkmenistan: Challenges and possible ways of attracting foreign investment

This research report was prepared in the framework of the EU-funded project “Central Asian Law: Legal Cultures and Business Environments in Central Asia” (project number 870647 H2020 MSCA-RISE 2019-2023), which runs from 01/03/2020 through 28/02/2024. The project is coordinated by Lund University, and the project consortium includes European universities (University of Zurich, Charles University Prague, Riga Graduate School of Law, Marmara University, University of Latvia, Istanbul Medipol University, University of Manchester) as well as Central Asian partner institutions (Zhetysu University, Khujand Polytechnic Institute of the Tajik Technical University, SIAR Research and Consulting, Tebigy Kuwwat Public Association, Academy of the General Prosecutor’s Office of Uzbekistan, Westminster International University in Tashkent). The purpose of this paper is to provide a detailed analysis of the state of FDI in Turkmenistan and to develop a set of recommendations to attract foreign investment. This study attempts to capture as many of the issues surrounding FDI attraction as possible through an analysis that takes into account the most important developments. The timeliness of such an analysis becomes more evident from 2020, as disruptions in global markets caused by the outbreak of a pandemic have made it more of a priority than ever to reduce the reliance on oil and gas exports. The present study attempts to answer the following questions: (i) What might be the potential impact of increased foreign direct investment on Turkmenistan's economic development? (ii) What are the main factors that have hindered greater investment in Turkmenistan since independence? (iii) What measures can the government of Turkmenistan take to attract more foreign direct investment? (iv) How can partner countries and international organizations assist Turkmenistan in attracting more foreign direct investment into the country? (v) Which sectors of Turkmenistan's economy should be a priority for attracting foreign investment in the current environment? The results of this research may be of interest to decision-makers in government, foreign businesses, partner countries and international development agencies

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AFGHANISTAN TEN YEARS AFTER...

The article focuses on the analysis of the internal politics of Afghanistan after 2001 and evaluates the results of state- and nation-building. The emphasis on internal politics is the only possible way to understand the processes in the country and work out the strategy for the country after the planned withdrawal (or limitation) of foreign troops from the country. In this context, the fragmentation and deepening cleavages among various social strata in the country (ethnic, sub-ethnic) is considered to be a crucial determinant of the development in the country. Several power groups define diverse attitudes towards the character of the future Afghan state. These circumstances could lead to the new round of the military conflict after the removal of foreign troops which are considered as a negative factor by a large part of the Afghan elite, albeit they serve as one of the stabilization factors in the country. However, the international community has (and will have) limited tools and influence to prevent any prospective conflict in the country

Afghanistan aus der Sicht Turkmenistans: Schwieriger Nachbar oder Sicherheitsrisiko?

Die Beziehungen zu Turkmenistan gehören zu den vernachlässigten Themen der afghanischen Außenpolitik und umgekehrt. Beide Länder spielen zwar nur eine unbedeutende Rolle für die Außenpolitik des jeweiligen Nachbarn, aber ihre innenpolitischen Dynamiken haben erhebliche Auswirkungen auf die Entwicklungen jenseits der Grenze. Die turkmenische Führung ist über die Sicherheitsrisiken in Afghanistan sehr besorgt, und außerdem ist der Export von turkmenischem Strom von entscheidender Bedeutung für die Wirtschaft und die soziale Situation in einigen Teilen Nordafghanistans. Der folgende Beitrag befasst sich vor allem mit dem Stand der bilateralen Beziehungen aus turkmenischer Sicht und unterstreicht, dass sich die afghanische Bedrohung in den letzten zwei Jahren zu einem der gravierendsten Probleme für die Führung Turkmenistans entwickelt hat

Educational reforms in Turkmenistan : good framework, bad content?

Slavomír Horá

Dismantling totalitarianism? : Turkmenistan under Berdimuhamedow

Slavomír Horák; Jan Ši