377 research outputs found

    Neighborhood change from the bottom Up: What are the determinants of social distance between new and prior residents?

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    An important source of neighborhood change occurs when there is a turnover in the housing unit due to residential mobility and the new residents differ from the prior residents based on socio-demographic characteristics (what we term social distance). Nonetheless, research has typically not asked which characteristics explain transitions with higher social distance based on a number of demographic dimensions. We explore this question using American Housing Survey data from 1985 to 2007, and focus on instances in which the prior household moved out and is replaced by a new household. We focus on four key characteristics for explaining this social distance: the type of housing unit, the age of the housing unit, the length of residence of the exiting household, and the crime and social disorder in the neighborhood. We find that transitions in the oldest housing units and for the longest tenured residents result in the greatest amount of social distance between new and prior residents, implying that these transitions are particularly important for fostering neighborhood socio-demographic change. The results imply micro-mechanisms at the household level that might help explain net change at the neighborhood level

    The Simultaneous Effect of Social Distance and Physical Distance on the Formation of Neighborhood Ties

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    Prior studies have separately suggested the importance of physical distance or social distance effects for the creation of neighborhood ties. This project adopts a case study approach and simultaneously tests for propinquity and homophily effects on neighborhood ties by employing a full-network sample from a recently-developed New Urbanist neighborhood within a mid-sized southern city. The authors find that physical distance reduces the likelihood of weak or strong ties forming, suggesting the importance of accounting for propinquity when estimating social tie formation. The authors simultaneously find that social distance along wealth reduces the likelihood of weak ties forming. Social distance on life course markers—age, marital status, and the presence of children—reduces the formation of weak ties. Consistent with the systemic model, each additional month of shared residence in the neighborhood increases both weak and strong ties. An important innovation is this study’s ability to directly compare the effects of physical distance and social distance, placing them into equivalent units: a ten percent increase in home value difference is equivalent to a 5.6 percent increase in physical distance

    Social distance and social change: how neighborhoods change over time

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    Two key theoretical themes guided my exploration of neighborhood change. First, I utilized the classic sociological notion of social distance in testing its determinants and viewing its effect on neighborhood change over time. I measured social distance in various manners: 1) racial/ethnic differences, 2) a composite of several characteristics (including racial/ethnic, socio-economic, and demographic), or 3) the consolidated inequality created by difference along both racial/ethnic and socio-economic differences simultaneously. Second, I built an explicit micro-level theory of household residential mobility decisions to explain the generation of the structural characteristics that theories posit cause neighborhood crime. I found that social distance had important implications for neighborhoods. Using a multi-level, longitudinal sample of the American Housing Survey (AHS) I found that individual-level social distance along multiple characteristics helps explain neighborhood satisfaction: this suggests the importance of focusing on the fit of the household with the neighborhood. Dynamic analyses using this same sample showed that racial/ethnic heterogeneity explains crime rates four years later. Fixed effects analyses using a sample of census tracts in eleven cities found that changing ethnic heterogeneity over the decade is positively related to changing crime rates. These same fixed effects analyses showed that increasing inequality between African-Americans and whites is positively related to the change in various official crime rates. My theoretical model helped explain the change in neighborhood structural characteristics. Using the AHS sample, I found that perceived crime in a block increases general residential mobility. This theoretical model also predicted and found that the presence of more homeowners on a block reduces perceived crime four years later in dynamic models. While residential instability had no effect on crime four years later in cross-lagged models, more vacant units in the block are positively related to perceived crime four years later. This suggests a possible manner in which residential mobility may affect neighborhood crime rates. I also found using the AHS sample that higher levels of block perceived crime creates racial/ethnic residential transformation by increasing the likelihood that African-Americans and Latinos will move into the block, and reducing the likelihood that whites will move in

    Social Capital, Too Much of a Good Thing? American Religious Traditions and Community Crime

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    Using American religious traditions as measures of bonding and bridging social capital in communities, we empirically test how these different forms of social capital affect crime rates in 3,157 U.S. counties in 2000. Our results suggest that the bonding networks evangelical Protestants promote in communities explain why counties with a greater percentage of residents affiliated with this tradition consistently have higher crime rates. Conversely, our results suggest that the bridging networks mainline Protestants and Catholics foster in communities explain why counties with a greater percentage of residents affiliated with these traditions generally have lower crime rates. This article provides empirical corroboration for recent theoretical discussions that focus on how the social capital groups cultivate in communities need not always benefit communities as a whole
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